Tuesday, 6 December 2011

The Rada Community


The movement of the ship was more than he could stand. It overwhelmed the fear, the disorientation and the certainty that his life was now forever altered. The movement of the ship dominated his thinking. It affected him with the terrorising sensation of perpetually dying. The motion of the ship formed the central aspect of an association of ideas that remained with him all his life, whenever he smelled vomit, unwashed bodies, and odours emitted by humans when they are convinced of their own imminent death.
This permanent alteration of his life had occurred without warning. This itself was highly unusual, inasmuch as he was albeit his young age a highly respected member of the society of diviners.
The circumstances leading to his capture by the merchant Ahmed Abdou had arranged themselves as the result of his preoccupation with clandestine encounters with the merchant’s great niece, which had turned into an obsession. The indignity of his capture and subsequent sale to the Portuguese slaver had now placed him in this perilous box, the ship, upon this vast and mindless ocean on a journey of no return. In the midst of never-ending motion, explosions not dissimilar to thunder cracked the sky. The slaver was being attacked by a British Man-o-War! The shackled slaves were marched up onto the heaving deck and with kicks and curses loaded into long boats that were bobbing and spinning upon this ever shifting body of water to be taken to another, even more enormous ship.
Already, the Portuguese slaver was dropping to the stern of the British Man-o-War, seeming smaller by the second on the vast bosom of wetness. The British ship now set its sails for Trinidad.
Several hundred Africans were thus liberated on the high sea by Great Britain during the 1850s, when that country ran a blockade against the Portuguese slave traders. The slave trade had been abolished by the English in 1807, and the slaves had become fully set free in 1838. Now, it became an economic necessity for the British to force other nations to do away with slavery as well, since sugar and other imports from slave territories like Brazil were flooding the market at much cheaper prices than from the British colonies.
Amongst the hapless Africans, one stood out and proceeded to make his mark on the lives of many in Trinidad. He took the name of Robert, or Jean Antoine. He was, however, known as Papa Nannee or Mah Nannee. A significant leader, he created a new home for his tribe, the Rada people, who had found their way to this island. They were in the majority from Dahomey in West Africa (now Benin), and most of them had been liberated from Portuguese slave ships just like himself.
Papa Nannee was not a priest, however. He was a diviner. He had been born at Whydah around the year 1800 and upon arrival on this island, he was sent to work at an estate near to Champs Fleurs. By the 1860s, he had saved sufficient money to purchase lands in the Belmont valley, and there founded a compound dedicated to the worship of Dangbwe, Serpent, God of Dahomey. He named the compound Dangbwe Comme (House).
Nannee possessed an extraordinary knowledge of the supernatural, and as he grew older, was much sought after for his advice and healing powers.
He gathered around him a trained priest and two male ‘voduns’, or people who are possessed by the Gods. The compound created by him in Belmont Valley Road consisted of a chapel, called a vodunkwe, a covered area for dancing and several shrines, one of which was dedicated to Papa Legba and another to Ogun, both deities of the Dahomean people.
Within a few years, the lives of many in the Belmont Valley Road area were touched by  the work of this remarkable good and selfless man. Other African people settled there to be near to him and compounds for Ibos, Congoes and Mandingoes (all African tribes) took root and grew. Newspapers of the day, such as the “Chronicle”, described the Rada people as industrious men and women who saved their money and ran a private bank to provide funds for those in need.
During the 1870s, the colonial authorities felt the need to monitor and in fact put pressure on this group of activists. Charges of obeah and the practice of black magic were brought against members. In one case, Quervee, Papa Nannee’s brother, was convicted of obeah and had been given to 20 strokes for the offense. He appealed and won the case, receiving $10 for each lash in compensation. He was represented by the eminent barrister of the day, Charles Warner.
The Rada compound was so successful that it not only attracted the suspicion by the authorities, but also the envy of other religious organisations. As such, it was raided by Catholic priests, who took away religious objects, drums and costumes used in rituals. Dr. Bridget Brereton observes:
“The Rada were practicing the ancestral beliefs of their homeland. But to the authorities, there was no distinction between obeah practices for money and the Rada ceremonies. Any ‘African worship’ was automatically classified as obeah, and the practice of obeah had been made an offense by the 1868 Ordinance, punishable by jail and flogging.”
Papa Nannee himself was also arrested at age 86 and sentenced to six months and 36 lashes. He too appealed. Represented by the distinguished Q.C. Vincent Brown, he was acquitted. To the Creoles, African practices, religious or otherwise, were barbaric and obscene, in fact dangerous. To the Europeans, it was objectionable and alien. For the coloureds, it was a little too close for comfort, hanging on as best they could to respectability and in perpetual pursuit of acceptance in white circles. They liked to put a great distance between themselves and obeah!
Notwithstanding, in time of trouble, in fear of the death of loved ones, or in desperate need, the coloured middle class often found their way back to their African roots. Sometimes a black relative of their own, or a friend of the family, had access to people of power, invoking the old deities and bringing comfort to the African aspect of the soul of the coloured people. 



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Folk Traditions


It is perhaps understandable, event natural, that some of the earliest and purest glimpses we have of the lifestyle in these islands in the formative years of our history, comes form the record of the development of the folk arts: Calypso, carnival and, in another sense, folklore.
Thanks to the remarkable work done by individuals such as Andrew Carr, Harry Pitts, Mitto Sampson, Andrew Pearse and David Crowley, we have preserved a view of how it was to live in Creole society from the 1800s onwards. In this issue, we trace the development of Calypso from the myths of calypsonian Surisima the Carib, on through to the slave calypsonians Gros Jean, So So, Papa Cochon, and Ofuba the Slave, to the great ones of the mid-19th century, such as the Mighty Thunderstone, Hannibal, and Cedric Le Blanc.

Mitto Sampson achieves the hangman’s drop
It was, however, Mitto Sampson who, through his endeavour in collecting oral traditions in the 1940s and 50s, saved much of the body of information that came down to us. Mitto Sampson was a known personality around Port of Spain. I knew him when I was a boy; I seem to think that he lived at Gonzales. I know he used to lime on an ice box at the end of Observatory Street, opposite to the Hospice. He was known as “Strong Man”.
When Mitto was young, he was a scrawny boy. As a teenager, he took up weightlifting and became phenomenally strong over the years. “A daring acrobat, he dived from heights into crowded streets, and he even achieved the “hangman’s drop” on his 17th birthday,” reports Andrew Pearse (Caribbean Quarterly, 1958).
Mitto told Pearse in an interview how he had read of Palmer Berns who had developed his neck to such an extent that he was able to resist the hangman’s noose. He put himself in training, developing his neck muscles and those of his back and shoulders.
One Monday morning, followed by an entourage of well-wishers, Mitto arrived at the Washhouse Bridge - the bridge over the Dry River on Belmont Circular Road, just after the Hospital. Without much ado - but after saying a prayer - he tied a hangman’s “slippery knot” around his neck, tied the other end of the rope to the bridge’s railings and jumped!
The small crowd gasped at his daring and ran to the rail. Mitto was dangling several feet from the Dry River bed. The thick rope was taunt with his considerable weight. It took several strong men to haul him up! Mitto climbed back over the railing, and under the thundering cheers of the crowd took of the rope from around his bull’s neck. He had done it!
Mahalle, who had parked his invisible car nearby, immediately got in and drove off so as to inform the town of this incredible act.
Naturally, Mitto acquired the reputation of a man of power, a science man. In fact, he was well educated. He had attended Nelson Boy’s R.C. School, Belmont Intermediate and St. Mary’s College. In true Trini style, his background was cosmopolitan - his father, an Arima druggist, was a “dougla” of mixed Indian and African descent, and his mother was half Portuguese and half quadroon, that is a mixture of three parts white and one part black.
Mitto got his information about 19th century calypsonians from his grandmother, Mme Florence Atherley, who was a noted genealogist and whose hobby was reminiscing about old Trinidad. His other informant was Remmy Roberts, who at the age of 93, in the 1940s, could remember well people and incidences way back into 19th century.
Remmy was one of the great “raconteurs”, story tellers, of his time. He was a “sweet man”, a gigolo, and a “maco” (formerly this word meant a pander or tout, but now it has come to mean someone who minds other people’s business). He had spent his life in the Behind the Bridge world of east Port of Spain. He had known the famous ladies of the night: Britan Boobooloops, Alice Sugar, Mossie Millie, Ocean Lizzie, Sybil Steele to name but a few. He had met the famous homosexuals of his day such as Papy/Mamy, Darling Dan and Ling Mama. He had encountered badjohns like Congo Jack and Tiny Satan, and of course all the chantwells, stickmen and mad people that walked the city in those days. Remmy told Mitto who told Dan Crowley: “Son, calypso today come from the mouth, but longtime it come from the soul.”


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Monday, 5 December 2011

The British settle Tobago


From the Historical Society of Trinidad and Tobago Papers (abbreviated)

The settlement of Tobago by the British was not without problems. Let’s first look at the historical circumstances:
Publication No. 329
The Duke of Montague applies for a Grant of the Island of Tobago
January 5th, 1764
“In 1728, the Duke of Montague first applied for a grant of the Island of Tobago in compensation for the loss of St. Lucia whence he had been driven out by the French in 1722. During the years 1725 - 1726, the Duke and the Duc d’Estrées failed to negotiate any agreement to divide the lands at St. Lucia and in 1730, the evacuation of both St. Lucia and St. Vincent was agreed upon by the French and English. By the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, these two islands were made neutral. In 1763, by the Treaty of Peace, Great Britain took Dominica, St. Vincent and Tobago, while France took St. Lucia. The Duke of Montague now applies for a Grant of Tobago.”

Then, a survey was made to structure Tobago in portions that could easily be administered.
Publication No. 330
Recommendations for the Settlement of Tobago by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations
March 26th, 1764
“As to settling the Island of Tobago, the Board of Trade represents that this island is supposed to contain 140,000 acres, a valuable island with no inhabitants but a few Caribs and French turtlers. A survey should forthwith be made and it should then be divided into Parishes to contain 6,000-10,000 acres and suitable lands should be reserved for fortifications, navy yards and other military purposes. Towns should be laid out of 500-1,000 acres in lots not to exceed 6 acres, each with a 60 feet reservation on the water side for wharves, quays and other public uses; a glebe for the Minister of 100-200 acres, and 30-60 acres for a schoolmaster. Reserves of woods should be kept in suitable places sufficient to maintain a necessary rainfall and a suitable climate. The rest of the lands should be allotted as plantations in lots of 100-300 acres. In each parish, 800 acres should be reserved for grants of lots of 10-30 acres for poor settlers near necessary roads.”

However, when the Governor-General of Grenada, Robert Melvill, set out to get settlers to Tobago from Barbados, he found that nobody was willing to go!
Publication No. 334
The Governor-General of Grenada to the Secretary of State
Barbados, November 13th, 1764
“I arrived here after a tedious passage on the 23rd of last month intending to have stopped only for a few days in order to wait the arrival of the Melvill store ship which had been separated from us; and to furnish myself with all lights which might be useful in establishing and carrying on the new Government and to give what encouragement I could to the disposition which I hoped to meet with for settling Tobago. But to my no small mortification, I was no sooner arrived than informed of a universal dread and dislike of that Island, occasioned by the sudden death of almost every white person who had lately gone thither and the report of an excessive sickness prevailing among the troops.”

In the end, Melvill succeeded by promising the would-be settlers lands on the healthy Windward side of Tobago, not on the fever-stricken Leeward side.
Publication No. 335
The Governor-General of Grenada to the Secretary of State for War
Barbados, November 20th, 1764
“Tomorrow I sail for Tobago on my way to Grenada with all persons of this place who are desirous of being the first settlers and hope to find Lieutenant Governor brown possessed of a very healthy and commodious bay which has been discovered on the Windward side.”
Upon arrival in Tobago, Melvill takes action with regard to starting a structured settlement of British subjects in Tobago.
Publication No. 336
The Governor-General of Grenada to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations
Grenada, January 3rd, 1765
“After a tedious passage I arrived at Barbados on October 23rd, where I found it absolutely necessary to remain for some time in order to revive the spirit of settling at Tobago, which had been totally quashed by the very fatal sickness that had happened on the Leeward side of it. But by proposing the Windward side (reported to be healthy as well as fertile) for the first settlement, and pointing out all the advantages and encouragements with my best endeavours, a pretty favourable disposition came to prevail even amongst the most considerable inhabitants at the time of my departure. I arrived in Tobago on November 28th and joined Lieutenant Governor Brown. I was happy to find that his report was well founded with regard to the fertility of the soil, its being well watered, having several tolerably shipping places and particularly two very good bays (vizt: Rockly and Little Hog Bays). In a bay formerly called Gros Cochon, to which I gave the name of Barbados Bay, I fixed on a very commodious place for a first town settlement. It promises to be safe for shipping and has a river of wholesome water running into it. The country round is fit for sugar and all other West Indian produce and an adjoining headland projecting into the sea is an excellent and healthful situation for the placing of His Majesty’s Troops ad being likewise very defensible by nature, is very proper for a fort or battery.”

However, it was not easy. Months later, there was still no progress in establishing a proper settlement.
Publication No. 337
The Governor-General of Grenada to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations
Grenada, April 20th, 1765
“I am sorry to inform Your Lordships that by the slow progress that has been made in the settling of Tobago, owing partly to the sales in St. Vincent and to the disposition of the Barbadians being not quickly enough laid hold of, the town traced out in Barbados Bay and the adjoining lands have not as yet been cleared, so that it not only remains unhealthy but affords no accommodation either for the settlers or for the public Officers.”

A year later, houses were still lacking in Tobago, and the British government sent two ships for the administration to live “off shore”.
Publication No. 338
Requisition for two Ships of War for Accommodation of Officers at the Island of Tobago
London, March 30th, 1766
“From the Island of Grenada by letter of January 27th, 1765, Governor Melvill asked for two ships of war to be sent to the Island of Tobago as hulks for the accommodation of the Lieutenant Governor and other officers and settlers until convenient houses could be built ashore. This was approved and done and on March 21st, 1766 they were still being used and were continued for one year more.”

Even off-shore, the climate of Tobago was still detrimental for the British settlers, and the death of the Lieutenant Governor almost leads to abortion of the settlement of Tobago.
Publication No. 339
The Governor-General of Grenada to the Secretary of State
Grenada, July 26th, 1765
“I am very sorry to inform Your Lordship of the death of Lieutenant Governor Brown on the 9th instant after a very short illness. This is a public misfortune so sensibly felt and sincerely lamented by the Officers of the garrison and the few purchasers who have been actual settlers in Tobago that it even threatens a very detrimental retardment if not a total miscarriage of that infant Colony.”

A year and a half later, there are still few “Residenters” at Tobago, even though many plantations have been purchased. The proprietors in Tobago sent a petition to the Governor General in 1767, asking for proper local representation and administration. In subsequent correspondence, there is the first talk of a House of Assembly, but a slave insurrection in 1770 stalled developments in that direction, but by the beginning of 1771, the “President and Members of the Council and the Representatives of the People in the General Assembly of the Island of Tobago” had been elected.

Behave Bad!


In Trinidad, there is a long tradition of “bacchanal” connected to a festival or holiday. Anil Sookdeo from the John Hopkins University, Baltimore, in his paper “Festivals and Plantations: The Misrule of Carnival and Hosay” explains why.

In the years of their popularisation, both Carnival and Hosay were lower class festivals. Carnival had not started out as such, when it was brought to Trinidad by the French plantocrats. However, after the abolition of slavery in 1834, the former slaves started to participate in the festival and soon take it over completely. The “jamette” Carnival dominated the pre-Lenten festivities towards the end of the 19th century, leaving out the middle and upper classes completely.
Hosay, on the other hand, was limited to the Indian indentured population. As such, it was - similar to the Carnival celebrations of the second half of the 19th century - not a festival that was participated in by middle and upper class creoles and the British administrators. The latter had a mighty lot of difficulties with the raucous festivals in Trinidad! Both Carnival and Hosay were oftentimes occasions of clashes between lower class behaviour and higher class ideas of how citizens should behave.
Anil Sookdeo puts forward two reasons for these clashes. Firstly, the two festivals were “used as surrogate vehicles for ‘organised’ action in the interests of those excluded from power and privilege”. The borderlines between feteing and protesting got blurred. Secondly, Sookdeo argues that there was a general atmosphere of contesting of the British administration in those years, which was vented in upheavals during the festivals.
Much research has been done on the misrule and non-conformist behaviour during Carnivals all over the world. Trinidad is certainly not alone in this. In fact, the success of Carnival throughout the centuries and its continuing attractiveness to people is its bacchanalian nature. It seems to always have been an occasion of expressing oneself against an established social or political order. This is, according to sociologists, necessary to actually upkeep and maintain a healthy community along those very lines that are being criticised in Carnival.

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Thursday, 1 December 2011

Absentee Owners


In memory and honour of Dr. Philip Sherlock, whose historical and sociological talks on Radio Guardian made Sunday evenings in the early 1960s very interesting!

One of the striking things about the 18th century West Indian Plantations was that many of the owners lived in England. Dalby Thomas whose “Historical Account” of the West Indies was first published in 1690, wrote of the West Indians of his day that “It was impossible for them to forget from whence they come from or even be at rest (after they have arrived on a plentiful estate) until they settle their families in England...” This practice was not found to such a marked extent in the French islands of Guadeloupe and Martinique, where agriculture was more diversified with a comparatively large number of small holders growing crops like coffee and cacao. There were fewer absentee proprietors also in Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia and St. Vincent while they were French. After they were ceded to Britain in 1763 sugar production increased at the expense of crops like cacao and coffee, on which the British Government had put high import duties.
There were many reasons for the increase in the large number of absentee proprietors as the years passed. Life in England was more comfortable, and far removed from the uncomfortable fact of slavery. Many of those owners who lived on their plantations had their children educated in England, so that they grew up without any special attachment to the West Indies. Also, some of those who owned plantations obtained them by inheritance without ever having seen them, while others might have taken them over as a result of some business transaction such as the foreclosing of a mortgage. Whatever the reasons, absenteeism was widespread. When Governor Nugent made a tour of Jamaica in 1803 that out of 80 estate owners in one part of the island only 3 were in residence. On occasions governors in some Windward Islands found it difficult to hold Council Meetings because they could not get a quorum, and it sometimes happened that one man held several public offices because of the lack of people qualified to hold public office. The Beckford's with their mansion at Fonthill in Wiltshire, Robert Hibbert with his Bedfordshire country seat, George Hibbert took a lead in building the West India Docks, Charles Long with his Suffolk home, John Gladstone of Liverpool, the Pinneys of Dorsetshire represent one side of the picture, the building up of a West India interest in Britain with very powerful political interests.
The other side is given in a letter written from Antigua in 1787 describing how the attorneys (those who held the power of attorney from the proprietors and had the duty of looking after the estate) used slave and lands of the owners for their own benefit.” The Governor of the Leeward Islands in 1811 complained bitterly that “of the few white inhabitants who remain, managers, overseers, self-created lawyers, self-educated merchants - the acquirements of education among many of this description of persons are very unequal to the task of taking a share in the governments.” The owner as well as the country, suffered through absenteeism, since he spent more money living away in England and the attorney rarely looked after the estate as if it were his own. Absenteeism therefore, by reducing a planters resources, sometimes caused him to fall into debt.
Debts there were plenty. The lavish display and stupid extravagance of some absentee planters caused a sensation in English society. Adam Smith remarked on the fact that the tobacco colonies did not send back to England such wealthy planters as came from the West Indies, and there were periods of great prosperity. In the period immediately after the war in 1748, for instance, profits were high. Even so, however, it is doubtful if the profits in a good year rose much above 7% and the appearance of extreme prosperity is often false and unreal. Most planters were in debt. In the 18th century it was not difficult for a West Indian planter to borrow money on the security of his land. He often had to raise capital in this way, perhaps to buy slaves or purchase additional land, perhaps to meet losses caused by poor management or by his extravagance. In the long run the estate might carry quite a heavy load of debt that was made still more burdensome by the bequest and annuities to members of the family. Besides, the business of the plantations was carried on in a way that made it easy to slip into debt.
The planter had a factor or agent in England - in Bristol possibly or London - who looked after his business and often helped with his private business. He bought the supplies, salted the meat, clothing, equipment and the like, and then had them packed and shipped to the West Indies. Often he employed the overseers, bookkeepers and other white employees that the estate required, found a school in England for the planters children, advanced money on his behalf, and acted as his banker, lawyer and general factotum.
But its time for me to stop. If you would like me to follow this further get hold of a copy of “West India Fortune” - story of the Pinney Family of Nevis, By Pares.

Party Politics


Dr. Eric Eustace Williams founded the ‘People’s National Movement’ in the early 1950s. History could argue that both he and the political party that dominated Trinidad and Tobago for almost half a century had its roots ultimately in the French and Patois speaking, free coloured intelligentsia of pre-emancipation days and in the Afro-Franco reform movements of the later 19th century. These came into existence largely as a reaction to British Crown Colony rule. Was this the genesis of party politics along racial lines? That these 19th century ‘movements’ did not include the slowly arriving Indians, whose indentureship kept them on the estates and whose way of life ensured that they remained rural, that this isolation was encouraged by the colonial government and the planters lobby even after 1917?
During this period of indentureship and in the years that followed immediately after, significant leaders on the political stage did not come forward from the Indian community. Dr. Kusha Harraksingh attempts a definition of Indian leadership in the indentureship period, which was published in Caribbean Issues, Dec. 1976 (see pages 36 - 37), where he describes that with immigration to Trinidad, hereditary patterns of authority in family, caste and village were removed and institutional leaders like drivers and shopkeepers stepped into that vacuum, influencing the behaviour of other Indians.
“On the estates, the emergence of people as leaders purely on the basis of personal qualities was rendered difficult by a number of factors which generally coalesced in the atmosphere of coercion which pervaded the system. In reality, the estate managers chose the leaders they wanted and tried to ensure that no other worker achieved prominence as a person with influence. The Indians were always operating at a loss.”
Indian leadership seems to have operated through extended families, religious life and through the trade unions, producing personalities such as Sarran Teelucksingh and Ajodhasingh by the 1930s.
There is a real need to understand these 19th century reformists, what was achieved by them, the legacy that they have left behind and the people who took up the challenge. 
J. B. Philippe, who may be described as the first reformist to challenge the British government’s policy in Trinidad in the 1820s, provided leadership with regard to racial prejudice directed at the ‘free blacks and people of colour’ by the Woodford administration, but he was not promoting the liberation of slaves.
The reformists of the second half of the 19th century sought a franchise that would eventually produce a freely elected legislature. They did not lobby for independence, however. They did however oppose indentureship. The arguments of politicians like Sir Henry Alcazar, C. Preudhomme David, Stephen Laurence and others, and of the newspapers such as ‘New Era’ and organisations like The Workingman’s Association, led to the Commissions of Inquiry to investigate indentureship. They rejected the idea that Indian immigration led to unemployment. Already by 1909 the reformists’ positions were hardening.
The chosen slogan for the reformist movement in 1870 was ‘Trinidad for Trinidadians’, meaning black, mixed and French creoles - the creole-born Trinidadians. Indians, however, were seen as transients. Trinidadians were dissatisfied with the British administration’s incompetent and high-handed officials and extravagant spending. The reformists felt that the use of public funds should be monitored by the representative in the Legislative Council, elected by tax payers. They felt strongly that local people with the right qualifications should man the upper levels of the Civil Service. Many of the reformists were either black people or coloured descendants of the free blacks of pre-emancipation days, and these were the people who should be elected. Sir F. Napier Broome, governor from 1891 to 1897, described them as “a middle class upheaval” and saw them as a bunch of lawyers and businessmen who were seeking out their own interests.
Leadership was provided during the 1880s by Phillip Rostant, a French creole, who during his education in Ireland had taken part in Irish radical politics against British occupation in Ireland. He knew the power of mass meetings and understood how the British government would react to huge petitions containing 5,000 signatures. He was however compromised by his heritage. He was descended from the nobility of the Bourbonnais and held a deep respect for the property rights. Rostant could not bring himself to offer the vote to all people. He felt that the vote should be given to the people who were able to understand the responsibilities of citizenship. But as a French creole, he shared in common with the black intellectuals a dislike and distaste for the British administration. He was anti-colonial and he demonstrated that he could organize public support dramatically. This upset and startled the planters, however, who felt threatened that the working class was listening to the beat of another drum, particularly as the drummer was one of there own.
The black leadership that succeeded Rostant was more moderate. They perhaps had more to lose. Sir Henry Alcazar, a lawyer with a strong grasp of local politics, was on one hand ‘black enough’ to be accepted by the working class, and on the other sufficiently brilliant as a thinker and as a speaker to command the respect of the British administration. Alcazar was able to put it plainly in saying “it had not been proposed to place power in the hand of the working class, but only in those of the wealthier middle class.”
It is out of this struggle for self-determination, framed in nationalistic sentiment, that the baton was passed to Captain Arthur André  Cipriani, who in turn supported ‘the barefoot man’ and went the next step to put back-bone into the new-born trade union movement, the Trinidad Workingman’s Association, itself a product of the reformists. Cipriani was however compromised by the fact that he was, like his predecessors, a loyal colonial and not a revolutionary. Challenged in his old age by the young, vigorous, out-spoken and ‘man of the people’ Portuguese politician, intellectual and trade unionist Albert Gomes, Cipriani faded from the stage of local politics.
The Gomes years, important to the development of nationalism, stretching from the middle 1930s to the early 1960s, were the period when middle-class trade unionists were allowed to play at politics by the Colonial Office. The ministerial government brought together Gomes, Roy Joseph, Norman Tang, Victor Brian and Ajodhasingh, the ‘Knox Street Quintet’. “We had all been elected to the Legislature,” said Albert Gomes, “from different party platforms and one of us even had socialist aims.” Playing at politics with no real agenda, this representation, meager as it was, had been hard-won with blood in Fyzabad and Apex in 1937, and in the Water riots of 1903, and the Canboulay and Hosay riots in the 1870s. Gomes, according to Owen Baptiste in his work on Cyril Duprey, “slammed the door on trade unionism when he joined the executive council of Sir Bede Clifford, governor in 1946. A year later, he was surprised to see that he had lost the seat in the city council that he had held since 1938. He no longer possessed the support of the working class.”
And this is where Eric Williams appeared on the scene. He was doubtlessly the  inheritor of the Afro French creole intelligentsia of the previous century, he proved himself eminent in scholarship, in debate and his command of language. He possessed the common touch, was arrogant enough to deal with both the British and French creole establishment. He was the locus of the entire French/African colonial process. His stature was messianic. What he said, what he did in those formative years are cast, to this day, in iron, immutable, or so it would appear.
Dr. Williams took advantage of the post-war disenchantment of the ‘Gomes government’ and its loss of working class support. But he was now not alone in terms of locally-grown ‘genius’. The first generation of significant Indian leaders on a national level was defining its role on the political scene. The Capildeo brothers, Lionel Seukaran, Mitra Sinanan, Badase Maraj and others ranged from the local estate life and rural politics on through to the Legislative Council in the Red House. An opposition in the waiting.
Was Williams a revolutionary? No, he was a colonial. Did he continue the reform movement? In launching the People’s National Movement in 1956 he said, “you ignored the warnings” and went on to describe the then government as former “leaders of labour who have now become leaders against labour”. Williams attracted black middle-class professionals and the black working class. The PNM, he assured them, would not be a labour party. History may well pose the question whether it was a version of the reformist party in the mid-20th century, a nationalist party, a socialist party? Fact is that in 1956, the PNM found its most formidable opponent in Badase Sagan Maraj’s PDP. Williams emerged victorious with 39% of the vote and 13 of the 24 seats. The PDP won five seats and 20.3% of the vote. The Butler party won two seats and Gomes was annihilated. The era of party politics had begun. 

Trinidad in Hislop's times


Brigadier Thomas Hislop became Trinidad's second military governor in 1804. Sparsely populated, the census of the period showed a population of free persons to be 7,538, comprising 1,095 French, 505 Spanish, 663 British, and 2,256 Free Coloureds. This free coloured population ranged from pure African to light-complexioned individuals, who would be taken as European anywhere on that continent.
The colonial reality, however, dictated that every black, free or enslaved, be accounted for. In terms of their political persuasions, the free coloureds included royalist sentiment, republican fervour, on to revolutionary zeal. Several were wealthy land and slave owners and had been from two or even three generations, other were artisans and labourers, some did nothing at all. Because of their history on other islands where they had been fired by the prospects of what they imagined republican status would mean for them, and because of their involvement in bloody revolution from Haiti to nearby Grenada, they were held in opprobrium and viewed with suspicion by the British administration.
It was felt that in the event of an attack on the island by either republicans or for that matter the Spanish, the free coloured population could not be counted upon to support British interest. One report stated: "If the inhabitants are not controlled, untold trouble in inevitable." It pointed out that the previous administration's "interference in the affairs of the police has produced arrogance in the people of colour and insubordination among the slaves". The difference in number between white and coloured people made the Cabildo uneasy lest the disturbances of other islands spread to Trinidad through indecisive government. the report to the Cabildo continued:
"To relax the police when we still have 5,000 of these people and daily increasing would be an act of moral madness. Most of them are the scum of the revolution who find here a 'refugium peccatorum' and against whom every precaution is necessary."
They missed "the good old days" of Colonel Thomas Picton's governorship, which featured public executions, decapitations, amputations, the administering of thousands of lashes in public places on any given individual, and the exposing of severed heads and other human body parts at public places and at the entrances of the various towns.
That Picton did not hesitate to dish out this form of justice to the free, the enslaved, the military or the civilians, black or white, was remarked on particularly as many of those who had fled to the main in Picton's time were now returning to the island.
Attorney General Archibald Gloster in writing to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, pointed out that "Both France and Spain look at Trinidad with a jealous eye and will not fail to take advantage of our foolishness. We are surrounded by the worst class of coloured persons joined to French and Spanish brigands. It they attacked with such a host of enemies within, we are lost and with us the whole archipelago of the West Indies."
In this period, both the civilian population and the military establishment lived in constant fear that a surprise attack on the island might force its surrender. They had considered fortifying St. Joseph, but abandoned that idea in favour of an older Spanish plan to turn Chaguaramas into a formidable bastion in the style of Cartagena de los Indies or those in Cuba. Point Gourde was selected as a military post. The islands of Carrera and Cronstadt were also surveyed and roads cut on them.
The fortifications were built with slave labour levied from the planters. Governor Hislop was not comfortable, however, with this type of defense, especially as a French battlefleet was known to be in Caribbean waters and was expected to attack Trinidad. He turned his attention to La Vigie, now Fort George.
The island, unlike its neighbour Tobago where there was a fort overlooking every bay and cove, had almost no defensive armament. There were four cannons at Fort Picton in Laventille, seven cannons at Fort Abercromby, two in Macqueripe Bay and twelve at Fort George.