Street Smart Or, How History Changes Everything

Streets, Roads and Lanes, Alleys, Avenues and Boulevards: they surround us, frame our lives and echo memories of long time days. Their names, and the circumstances of their naming, delineate important chapters in our historical narrative. Like milestones, they mark our journey through time, while allowing us to understand the societal and cultural road travelled.

The early streets in Port-of-Spain are good examples of all the above. By the 1800s, largely because of the Spanish proclamation of the Cedula for Population of 1783, Port-of-Spain had changed from a fishing depot in a mangrove swamp to something of a little town of four or five hundred houses with a population of perhaps three thousand, one third of whom were French and Patois speakers.

Independence Square, formerly Marine Square, looking west. 

To the left is Broadway; the building on the corner became 

The Royal Bank of Canada; on the right is the foot of Frederick Street.

This was the case because in a population of about 29,254, of which there were some 5,275 who, as free citizens, were classified, under the Law, as Free Blacks and People of Colour.Of these, 2,925 spoke French, having come from Grenada, St. Lucia, Dominica, Martinique and Guadeloupe, with a few from as far away as Haiti, many fleeing the French Revolution of 1789. Others in that category numbered 1,751 mestizos who spoke Spanish; the majority of these may have been locals, but with the down the islands traffic, there may have been many from Down-the-Main as well. There was a small English-speaking cadre of Free Black and Coloured folk of about 599 persons. The European population in the 1800s stood as 2,361, with 1,093 French-speaking, 605, Spanish-speaking and 663 English speakers. There were over 20,000 enslaved Africans who, at first, were brought by force from the other islands by the above-mentioned Europeans and Free Black and mixed-race people, but increasingly came from Africa as the result of the establishment of a plantation economy here, in which French and Patois was the lingua franca.

The Red House was once two buildings, 

joined by an arch which led on to lower Prince Street, 

now named Sackville Street.

Spanish cultural dominance waned with the British conquest of Trinidad in 1797, and with the growing influence of the French and Patois speakers in Port-of-Spain in the 1800s, the street names of the town mirrored this social transition. For example, a street once known as Calle del Infanta by the Spanish became Rue des Trois Chandelles, called that by the French-speaking majority of the town because of the three candles which were lit at the gate of Lodge United Brothers, Les Frères Unis, on meeting nights. The Lodge was first established at the corner of Duncan and upper Prince Street in 1795. Duncan Street was named for a British Admiral, Adam Duncan, who defeated a Dutch fleet in 1797. For us, 221 years later, this may seem remote, even obscure, but as a piece of political propaganda, it was important to the English government in Trinidad, at the time of the Neopoleonic Wars, to send a message to the French citizens of the town of British Naval power. Same for Nelson Street, which was named for Admiral Horatio Nelson of the Battle of Trafalgar fame. That victory actually made Great Britain the ruler of the seas of the world for the next one hundred and fifty years or more. Nelson Street was known by the French and Patois speakers as Rue d’Eglise, because it led to the Catholic Cathedral on the Plaza del Marina, having been named Calle Príncipe by the earlier Spanish inhabitants because it was the main street of the town. George Street was named for King George III by the English, but had been called Calle de San José by the Spanish, and Rue de la Place by the French speakers because the Central Market was situated on that street. The Town’s Spanish street names were the first to be forgotten because of regime change and because hardly any Spanish speakers remained in the town, but the use of French names, although entirely colloquial, would linger into the early 20th century because of the quantity of French and Patois-speaking people living there. They would be eventually be replaced by the official English names. Seeing street names as a historical narrative, one can understand how Trinidad is a product of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars.

The residence of the Warners, later the Queen’s Park Hotel, 

and today the BP building.

Some streets were named in the search for common ground between the local political interest of those times, which tended to divide the population between Catholics—the French and Spanish-speaking inhabitants of all backgrounds, who were in majority—and the British Protestants, also of various backgrounds, who were in the minority, but were represented by the colonial power. An example of that is St. Vincent Street, which was named after St. Vincent de Paul. He was a French Roman Catholic priest who dedicated himself to serving the poor. St. Vincent is venerated as a saint in the Catholic Church as well as by the Anglican Communion. This was one of the relatively newer streets, running north to south and leading to the St. Vincent Wharf, Customs House, Signal Station and grass market. In so naming it, everyone was pleased.

The original Royal Bank of Canada building.

Knox Street, which runs from Frederick Street to St. Vincent Street, was named after Chief Justice William George Knox, and Hart Street, on the other side of Woodford Square, was named for Daniel Hart. Hart was, during a long career as a Public Servant, Superintendent of Prisons, Inspector of Police, Governor of the Royal Jail, Chief Sanitary Inspector for the Board of Health, and Special Magistrate under the Slavery Abolition Act, 1833, which abolished slavery throughout the British Empire. 

Frederick Street looking south from just below Hart Street.

Charlotte Street was originally named Calle de Santa Ana because it led to the Saint Ann river. It was called by the French settlers in the area Sainte Anne. Many of them had arrived in Trinidad from the Bay of Sainte Anne in Martinique. The British, for political reasons, called it Charlotte Street after the wife of George III, Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.

Port-of-Spain from the Harbourmaster’s tower, now gone. 

It shows the area reclaimed from the foot of St. Vincent going west, 

where the Twin Towers are now. At right is the 

St. Vincent wharf before it was reclaimed from the sea. 

The building on the corner is the Alston’s building, now ANSA McAL.

In much the same manner Henry Street got its name. Called Calle Herrera by the Spanish authorities in memory of a Chief of Police by that name, it was referred to by the French people of the town as Rue Neuve, meaning New Street. Henry Street came about because that was the name of Prince Henry of England.

Calle de San Carlos, named after King Charles II of Spain, was rechristened Rue des Anglais, Street of the English, by the French citizens of the town—a tongue-in-cheek, or picoung, in memory of how the English sailors had fled when attacked by French republican insurgents during the last days of Spanish rule. The British named it Frederick Street, after Frederick, the Prince of Wales.

Calle de Chacon was named for Governor Chacon, who diverted the course of the Saint Ann river into the Dry River, thus creating Chacon Street. This street was not called by any other name.

The streets that run from east to west in Port-of-Spain echoed, or reinforced, the names of the British King, Queen and Princes that were given to the north-south streets. These are Plaza del Marina, so named by the Spaniards because it bordered the sea. The early English colonists, putting the imperial stamp on the island, renamed it King Street, then Marine Square, and today it is Independence Square. Queen Street was called by the Spanish Calle de San Luis, Prince Street was called Calle Santa Rosa, and Duke Street Calle del Astuvias.

St. Vincent Wharf

Woodford Square was once Brunswick Square, named for the Dukes of Brunswick, allies and relatives of the British Crown. With the First World War and Germany the enemy, it was renamed for Governor Sir Ralph Woodford—the Germans were no longer our friends. However, before that it was described in old city plans as Plaza Projectada, because the Saint Ann’s river once ran through it. It was a marshy, somewhat unhealthy place, and there were plans to drain it. It was also known as Place des Armes, place of weapons, or Place des Ames, place of souls. This, because of a legend that in days gone by, before the Spaniards arrived, tribal worriors, Caribs perhaps, would gather there to fight each other as a demonstration and test of their manhood.

The corner of Chacon Street and Marine Square (today Independence Square,) 

looking north towards Trinity Cathedral.

Abercromby Street was so named in memory of Sir Ralph Abercromby, soldier and administrator, noted for his services during the Napoleonic Wars. In 1796, Grenada, that had been overrun by French republican forces under the command of Julian Fedon, was suddenly attacked and taken by a detachment of the army under his orders. Afterwards, Abercromby secured possession of the settlements of Demerara and Essequibo in South America, and the islands of Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and Trinidad. He landed his troops in Trinidad at Invaders Bay, close to present-day Movie Towne, and within days the island fell to the British after almost three hundred years of Spanish rule. 

The Transfer Station on the corner of Park Street and Frederick Street. 

This was where you transferred from one tram to another.

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Trinidad Slave Census of in1813 And other population numbers

Total number of African slaves in Trinidad in 1813 was 25,696. Of these 11,633 were Creole slaves, that is, born on the estates or in the households of their owners. These can be broken down thus: 7,088 born in Trinidad, 2,576 from British Colonies, 1,593 from French Colonies, and 376 from other places.
Source, B. W. Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean 1807 --1834.

Total number of African slaves in Trinidad 13,984. Comprising :–
Ibo, South Eastern Nigeria                2,863
Congo, Congo                                   2,450                                  
Moco, Cameroons                             2,240                          
Mandingo,  Senegambia                    1,421
Kormantyn, Ghana, Gold Coast,
Fanti, Ashanti, others                         1,068
Kwakwa, Ivory Coast                           473
Sierra Leone, Temne 169, Susu 145
Kissi, 63,                                               377
Ibibio, South Eastern Nigeria                371
Raddah, Dahomey                                 281
Chamba, Nigeria                                   275
Fulani, Northern Nigeria                       171
Popo, Dahomey                                     112
Hausa, Northern Nigeria                       109
Yoruba, Western Nigeria                         10

Various tribal groupings                        818

             * * *

Trinidad's population in 1783 Source, L. M. Fraser, History of Trinidad, Book 1
Whites                                                   126
Free Colourds                                        295
Slaves                                                    310
Amerindians                                       2,032
                                                           _____
                                                           2,763

In 1797 at the time of the British conquest of Trinidad the population stood as:-
                                        WHITES:
Men                  Women                   Boys                  Girls                 Total
929                     590                        301                     266                 2,086

                                    FREE COLOUREDS:
1,196                1,624                        895                    751                  4,466

                                        AMERINDIANS:
305                     401                         190                    186                   1,082

                                               SLAVES:
4,164                3,505                       1,232                 1,108                10,009
_____             ______                     ______              ______             _______
6,594                6,120                        2,618                2,311               17,643


Trinidad's population in 1803:
                                 Whites             Coloured
English                       663                  599
Spanish                      505                1,751
French                     1,093                2,925
                               ––––––             –––––
                                2,261                5,275              7,563
Enslaved Africans                                                 20,000

            * * *

In 1796 the produce of the island of Trinidad had been:-
From 159 Sugar estates                                  7,800 hhds (hogheads)
  ''      130 Coffee   "                                    330,000 lbs
  "        60 Cacao    "                                      96,000  "
  "      103 Cotton   "                                    224,000  "

          * * *

In 1803 the produce of the island of Trinidad had been:-
Sugar                                                       16,014,036 lbs
Rum                                                              344,292 galls.
Molasses                                                       214,120   "
Cacao                                                            361,070 lbs
Coffee                                                           185,658  "
Cotton                                                           478,046  "
      

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Jeanette - free negro woman

The rain beat so hard on the shingled roof that it was difficult to speak softly in the room where the old woman lay dying. Outside, the gusts seemed to turn the trees inside out. In the bay, the schooner ‘Crispin Whyne’ reared up on her mooring, twisting on her anchor chain. The ship’s boat plunged through the waves, driven by the easterly wind. Four big men were at the oars, another giant at the tiller. Their lone passenger, a bundle of damp oil cloths over wet clothes, shivered. Her rain-washed face held no expression.

They brought the long boat ashore with the help of the huge waves, running it up past the high water mark on the curve of sand and making fast to an old almond tree. Night had come quite quickly. The giant tiller man picked her up from her seat. His huge black arms cradled the little woman as they all set out up the hill to the old house above the main bay on the Caribbean isle of Petite Martinique.

Judith Philippe was just in time to see her mother die. Old, toothless, nearly bald, the dying woman glimpsed her daughter’s pretty face.  Her eyes, once sparklingly bright, still a light brown in her coal-black face, closed for the last time. “Jeannette Free Negro Woman” of Grenada, Petite Martinique and Carriacou, was dead. Around her, her fair-skinned, slim-built daughters in long white dresses tightly clasped at the waist, their heads tied in the old style, moved about the lamp lit room in slow motion. Her two sons sat at a table by the window, a bottle of rum and two shot glasses between them untouched. The rain fell unabated.

Many, so many years ago, she, Jeannette, her mother, had walked up to the big house above Tyrell’s Bay, Grenada. They had stood at the main door until the man had noticed them. They were both slaves, his slaves. Her mother had left her there. There were no words between them. She was remarkably beautiful in her youth. The painted miniature in Judith’s hand still attested to this. Monsieur Philippe gave her freedom. Together, they had ten children, five girls and five boys.

The free mulatto woman Judith, Jeannette’s third daughter, and her eldest son Honoré, were the executors of a considerable fortune. Judith herself was the matriarch of one of the Caribbean’s more significant families. This dynasty of black women heirs to estates on Carriacou, Grenada and the entire island of Petite Martinique is remarkable in that their descendants include revolutionaries in the Fedon revolution in Grenada of the 1790s, a very wealthy landowning family of south Trinidad, European-trained medical practitioners, and the celebrated author of ‘A Free Mulatto’, a paper presented to the House of Lords in Britain that was more than likely the first civil rights case upheld in the western hemisphere by a superior court. The Philippes also produced towards the end of the 19th century, a mayor of Port of Spain, a Solicitor-General of the Crown colony of Trinidad and an author.

In the publication ‘Description of the Grenadines’ by S.V. Morse, published in 1795 and quoted by Lorna McDaniel in her paper ‘Madame Philip-O: Reading the returns of an 18th century free mulatto woman of Grenada’, there is a description of Petite Martinique:

“Petite Martinique lies about a mile and a half south west from Petit St. Vincent - it is the joint property of Jeanette Philip, a free negroe woman, and a number of her Mulatto Children, Left them by a French Man of that name... it contains four hundred and seventy seven acres of which four hundred and sixty four are proper for cultivation. Both the soil and surface of this island are better than most of the Grenadines - There are three white men, five free coloured people, and eighty nine slaves - There is a large mountain near the middle of the Island which rises to a considerable height.”

It was from this island base that the course of destiny was charted and set. For reasons unknown, the brothers Honoré’s wealth was delivered to her in 1793 as was that of her other siblings Suzanne and Louis upon their decisions to relocate to Trinidad. The family generated wealth. Those who came to Trinidad took advantage of the Cedula of Population of 1783. Louis Philippe owned large sugar plantations in the Naparimas and was possibly the largest slave owner amongst the free coloured people in Trinidad at the time. Lorna McDaniel writes that Judith also had access to a leasehold house in England at 33 Great Coram Street in London, where she traveled in 1807.

“It is known that her nephews, Jean Baptiste and St. Luce, were students in England during that time and her mission to Europe most likely included their concerns.”

Judith was the generous benefactress to neighbours and friends, and godmother to 22 children. She could neither read nor write; neither could her sister Jeanne Rose. The school on Carriacou, established on her land, enrolled 96 free coloured children and 7 slave children. As Lorna McDaniel writes:

“African women like Judith’s mother, whether enslaved or free, were the source of this new mobile class, the ‘coloured’. They, mating with white planters, not only created a politically and military active progeny, but often acquired manumission, education, power and wealth for their mixed-race children and sometimes for themselves. The increase in social power within succeeding generations of the Philippe family is accompanied by the exclusive education that many mixed-race progeny acquired who were allowed education in Europe.”

J.B. Philippe

"My Lord,

            Relying on the liberality and candour so prominently distinguishing Your Lordship's character, and on that calm and moderate spirit which has ever persuaded all the actions of your life; I have presumed to address you on a topic of consummate consequence to a remote, much injured, and considerable portion of His Britannic Majesty's subjects."

With these opening words Jean Baptiste Philip set into motion a sequence of events that has unfolded over the centuries even to this day. J.B. Philip was born in 1796 in Trinidad.

His family was among the wealthy elite coloured sugar planters of the Naparimas. At an early age his father, Louis, brother of Judith Philip of Grenada, Carriacou, Petite Martinique, had noticed that his son was remarkably bright for his age and that he had the potential for a university scholarship. Concerned however in educating the boy to the point where enlightenment might work against him in the context of the slave society in which they lived and where prejudice may be directed at him by ignorant Europeans, he was hesitant to send him abroad. The boy's mother, a free negress, herself unable to read, was the one who convinced her husband, Louis, to send Jean Baptiste to England.

He may have arrived there around 1808 and prepared himself for university. He was regarded as very bright. He entered the University of Edinburgh in 1812. Prof. Carl Campbell in his paper ‘Man from the Naparimas’ remarks:

“Fortunately for him there were at that time no regulations governing the age of entry."

Jean Baptiste remained there until 1815 when he graduated as a doctor at the youthful age of about 19 years. He had written his thesis in Latin, on the subject ‘Hysterical Moods’.

He toured Europe and attended lectures at Montpellier and at Leyden. He had a strong personality and attracted several bright young rich people. He met a beautiful European woman and fell in love with her. But he heeded the advice of a friend who warned him of the impolicy of taking a white wife back to Trinidad. Campbell comments:

"It is not known what degree of racial mixture Philip represented, but it appears that he was sufficiently removed from white to be easily recognised as a man of colour."

When he left England, the island of Trinidad, freshly conquered from Spain, was still a free-wheeling frontier town. Men carried swords and pistols. There were duels; matters of honour were settled in public, Governor Picton burnt, hung, exposed the heads of the decapitated in public places - he did this to slaves as well as soldiers from the Duchy of Hesse who were under his command. There were men who walked the streets who had been present at the massacres of the French royalist in other islands. Child prostitutes lived with men old enough to be their grandfathers. The noblemen cultivated Epicurean taste in their octaroon mistresses.

Upon his return, life was becoming settled. Neapolitan Harps had become popular, duels were outlawed and the public executions were now private. The French creoles in perpetual pursuit of pleasure still kept mistresses, although, for the first time the question was being raised as to the propriety of giving the result of these liaisons their illustrious last names, in some families anyway.

Generalised lawlessness was giving way to institutionalised colonial prejudice under the governorship of Sir Ralph Woodford (1813 - 1829). The free blacks, slave owning, plantation possessing, educated,  began to feel the pressure of British crown colony rule. Gone were the days where atrocities and ‘sad depredations’ were visited on everyone, black as well as white, bringing comfort in the thought  of misery shared. Now it was a one-way street.

The most common Europeans had the rights and privileges of the high born educated upper classes when it came to dealing with free blacks. Woodford stopped them from being called ‘Mister’ and refused their commissions. They were not allowed to practice their professions. They may not inherit land. For the family of Philippe, land was vital; the ownership of land defined their personalities. J.B. Philip did not lose much time. He returned to England to fight a landmark case in the highest court of the Empire. He won it. Prof. Carl Campbell makes these remarks in the end:

"There is no mistaking the heroic quality of the life and achievement of Dr. Jean Baptiste Philip. There was youthful intellectual talent; a providential appearance when needed by an underprivileged social group; courage in the face of dangers; sacrifice of a professional career which could have supported a quite financially rewarding life; a book mature beyond the years of the author, as a personal testament to a principled struggle, and finally an early death at about age 33 just before the moment to triumph. Philip died two weeks before the proclamation of the law granting full civil rights equality to free coloureds. His entire adult life was consumed by the free coloureds' struggle. He did not live long enough to disillusion his admirers; or to sully his record by immersion into politics of conversion of paper rights into actual reality. Even so the issue of slavery, the fact that his family owned slaves as well as he himself, the absence of a clear call for the abolition of slavery from the man who saw the injustices done to his own social group - this, slavery, was the first major stumbling block to his acceptance as a hero to blacks and coloureds, especially the former, who had been slaves during the time of Woodford. Whatever explanations were offered in the post-emancipation period to mitigate Philip's personal involvement in slavery were probably less important as a healer of wounds than the passage of time itself. As slavery became more a memory than the actual experience of many living persons the conditions were created for the commencement of a more generous estimate of the work of the Naparima doctor. No monument was built in his memory as was suggested by a sympathiser in 1842, but some 30 years later there was a torch light procession to his grave in San Fernando, and speeches in praise not of a leader of the free coloureds, but of a hero of the underprivileged people.”

Emancipation Day

An Eyewitness’ Account of Emancipation Day

1st August, 1834

given by Lieutenant Colonel Capadose, a British Army Official, while stationed in Trinidad.

Published by Capadose in 1845 in the book ‘Sixteen Years in the West Indies’

“I was present, with the late Colonel Hardy, at the Government House (or Office) at Port of Spain, Trinidad, on the memorable 1st August, 1834, when, as the first step to freedom, the quondam slaves of all British Dominions, were denominated apprentices - the Governor and Council were all assembled to listen to a representation, or rather an interrogatory, of a number of negroes, regarding their supposed, unlimited, emancipation - these people appeared to be a deputation from a few French Eststes; and were for the most part very old men, old women, and children, the only young man among them was their spokesman, who was probably selected, because he spoke the French language well - it was he who addressed the Governor, with the question, whether the King had not granted them (that is all slaves) unqualified liberty, from that date? That they understood so, and yet their managers and overseers insisted on their working, as ususal, that Morning on the estates.

I must here explain that French gentlemen, managers and overseers, accompanied these negroes to the Government House, H.E., the Governor, Sir George Hill, followed by the Members of Council, the Judges and other official Gentlemen, had repaired to the balcony of the Council chamber to enquire into the cause of such an assmblage as then filled the Court Yard, below the building. In anwer to the above question, be mildly observed that His Majesty had indeed been most graciously pleased to grant them Freedom, that they were consequently no longer slaves, bu free British subjects from that day forth - yet, His Majesty had decreed that they were still to reside on the estate and serve, under certain enactments for their benefit, as before; in capacity of apprentices during six years, after which they would, in 1840, be free to go wherever they pleased - scarcely had His Excellency pronounced “Six years,” than the negroes, old women and men, vociferated “pas de six ans, point de six ans” (not six years, no six years) - hardly would they allow His Excellency to be heard in conclusion, so loud did they repeat “pas de six ans.” etc.

The Governor however continued speaking to them, in their own language, with the greates affability, and concluded by exhorting them, to return quitly home, like good foks, and resume their avocations under employers who, doubtless would treta them kindly, and indeed the new laws ensured them good tetamnet; they nevertheless stood immoveable, and would not retire; the Governor then left the baalcony, and lest he might not have been properly understood by the multitude below, he directed one of the Secretaries, or Government Officers, present, to take his place, and explain more fully what he had said, which was done, but with no better success, the same vociferations being repeated at the words “six years” “pas de six ans!” etc.

At this time two gentlemen entered the council chamber, military officers, Captain Hay, and Captain Mackenzie, just arrivced from England, on appointment, as Special Magistrates, to see the act for the apprenticeship carried into effect. One of these magistrates was accordingly directed by His Excellency to replace the previous speaker, at the balcony, and explain to the infatuated people below, their error; which the magistrate did in the most clear and intelligible manner; read, and explained to them, the printed act, that he held in his hand; exhorted them to wirhdraw peaceably and without delay, or it would become his painful duty to use compultsion; but no, the foolish people were deaf to his remonstrances and ever and anon vociferated “Pas de six ans, nous ne voulons pas de six ans, nous sommes libres, le Roi nous a donné la liberte!” “No six years, we do not want six years, we are free, the King has given us liberty!” at different pauses, or cessation of noise, the young spokesman represented in good French, and with eloquent and respectful tone, that they had toiled all their lives, had enriched their masters by the sweat of their brow, that the King was surely too good to exact of them six years more of servitude, that their masters might take advantage, so as to work them, during that period, to death, or so immoderately, that they could not live long after service - at this, the magistrate assured them that he and his colleagues would take expecial care to prevent such abuse, that the act provided for so many hours moderate labour per day, and such and such allowance of food etc., and that it would be impossible for anyone to ill-treat them - again he most earneslty exhorted them to withdraw, but in vain, they would not - torrents of rain fell, but had apparently no effect on those people, they remained immoveable, vociferating “Pas de six ans” etc. - the Members of Council, and some other gentlemen present, then lost all patience, and forcibly advised the Governor to declare Martial Law - the Militia was under arms in various parts of the town, and artillery drawn out at different points, an insurrection being apprehended, though no symptom of it appeared beyond the pobsinancy of foolish old people in the government courtyard, headed by a single young man, and none of them had even a stick in their hands - nevertheless gentlemen (civilians) about the Governor, were vehement in their demands for Martial Law - His Excellency appeared perplexed, and at length requested the opinion of Colonel Hardy, who had till then remained a tranquil spectator but on being asked whether he deemed it advisable to declare Martial Law, he replied, decidedly not.

“Martial Law!” exclaimed he, “against whom? - I see only old men, women, and children, poor ignorant people, who come to ask a question, and know no better -” or words to that effect. The chief Judge, and to the best of my recollection, the Attorney General, also, coincided in opinion with the Colonel, that there wa necessity for Martial Law, that the police could disperse the obstinate people.

It is to be remarked, that had Martial Law been proclaimed, Colonel Hardy would have been invested with the chief command, would have commanded the Militia, together with the regular force throughout the colony, whilst the Governor’s authority, in a great measure, if not entirely, would have been suspended - yet it was generally believed that had the Colonel advised it, Martial Law would certainly habe been declared in Trinidad. Towards the close of the evening, that is about sunset, the police were called in to act, and by persuasion more than force, caused the obstinate apprentices to ritre; soon after which, Colonel Hardy took me with him, in his gig, to St. James Barracks, on our way we saw bodies of militia, cannon planted at the entry of the streets, with militia artillery-men and lighted matches, as if prepared for a fierce encounter; and as the gig rolled on, a number of girls danced about in the streets, singing French arriettes of, probably, their own composition on the goodness of King William in ganting them freedom - whcih Colonal Hardy observed “looked mightily like insurrection.”

The two or three succeeding days more negroes flocked to town and would not return to their masters, so that the magistrates were compelled to exert the power vested in them, and make some examples by having corporal punishment inflicted on a few of the strong and regractory men, which had the desired effect, and the apprentices returned to the Estates and re-commenced work.

At Naparima the apprentices on some Estates were still more refractory, and several examples were made, which restored order, and all proceeded quitely afterwards.

For about a week to ten days after Aug. 1st, 1834, the inhabitants (many of them) were very apprehensive of insurrection and revolt; the French were the most alarmed. A lady, who had been driven from St. Domingo at the early part of teh French Revolution, told me that the troubles in that Island, commenced by deputations of old persons coming forward in the first instance; and, that consequently, when she heard of the assemblage before the Government House, she dreaded lest similar horrors to those formely perpetrated at St. Domingo were on the eve of being committed in Trinidad.”

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