Showing posts with label Patois. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Patois. Show all posts

Monday, 14 November 2011

Christmas at La Chance in Arima


The various musical styles that exist in Trinidad and Tobago are here because of the various cultures, representing peoples who have come over the centuries. These cultures express themselves in festivals.
Festivals serve to integrate with common elements, such as language, religion and custom. Music is basic to these celebrations and naturally this includes singing and dancing. Christmas celebrations in Trinidad before the arrival of the French sugar planters and their slaves, that is in Spanish times was of necessity a more modest affair. There were fewer people, less money and hardly any commercial or trading establishments. Churches were few and also quite modest. The Spaniards, as one historian put it, had lost both their intelligentsia and their imagination by banishing the Jews and expelling the Moors!
The French people, on the other hand, tended to be more vivacious, coming largely from aristocratic families. They leaned more towards life’s amusements and diversions. By the time of the British conquest of the island in 1797, there was considerable prosperity on the island, as John Crowley remarks in his authoritative book “Carnival, Canboulay and Calypso”. With virtually all of the early slave population having been born in the French islands, black culture also reflected this African-French-Caribbean bias. This included the establishment of Patois as a “lingua franca”. New slaves arriving from Africa did not alter the Frenchness of Trinidad’s culture and character.
Pierre Gustave Louis Borde, historian of a French Creole background of the late 19th century, has left for us a description of something of the social life of Trinidad’s plantocracy. He also makes the point that the well-off free black people, also slave-owning, had much the same manners and customs as the white upper class to whom many were related by virtue of having French planters as fathers or grandfathers, and slave women as mothers or grandmothers, during the formative years of the French colonisation of the Antilles. Borde writes:
“The pleasures of meals at the dining table and picnics were added to those of music and dancing. There followed nothing but concerts and balls. There were lunches and dinners, hunting parties and expeditions on the river, as well as carnival which lasted from Christmas time until Ash Wednesday. It was nothing but a long period of feasts and pleasures.”
The French lifestyle in Trinidad was very similar to that which obtained in Louisiana. In both places, both black and white danced the bamboula and contre-danse “side by side” on festive occasions. In Trinidad, this easy camaraderie changed however with the emergence of French Republicanism after the French Revolution of 1789, and the conquest by the British in 1797. Increasingly, the free coloured population was viewed with suspicion by the British, and an institutionalised discrimination was introduced. This was one of the several controls the British endeavoured to implement. Crowley remarks that “in their Protestant territories, Christmas and New Year revelries did not extend to Shrovetide, and there were unsuccessful attempts to demote the celebration of Carnival in Trinidad.”
Notwithstanding, the pursuit of Gallic gaiety continued to bubble to the surface. Mrs. Mavrogordato recalled that one Madame Emma Clarke, a free coloured woman, who ran a boarding house on Almond Walk (now Broadway), held a grand ball every year at Christmas time, to which all the most beautiful chabine, mulatto, octaroon and quadroon girls of the town were invited. They were introduced to the most handsome, aristocratic and well-off young men. Mrs. Mavrogordato went on to relate that many of these liaisons were not just passing affairs, but inspite of the young man marrying into his own class, some of these relationships lasted for years, producing dual families. This was much frowned upon by both Christians denominations; by the Catholics because of their highly developed sense of sin, and by the Protestants because it smacked of the sort of license and disorder that only the French could imagine and indulge themselves in such a shameless fashion!
There was the more quiet, the more family-oriented French styles of celebrating Christmas. Quesh, choral singing with harmony, cantiques de Noël, music for house to house visiting - these were really holy songs that were folklorised, traditional in nature, which recalled the small towns and the provincial lifestyle of these our local nobles.
The slaves, free black people, and some of the French women loved to dance the bele. It was danced to 5 or 6 songs, drums, chac-chacs, a chantwell and a chorus. The bele is a most elegant dance if well performed. Andrew Pearse described it as “music for secular festivals organised by neighbourhood groups and presided over by an elected King and Queen, the women wearing old fashioned dress. This for Christmas and public holidays. The bele was also performed in association with saraka or sacrifice to the ancestors.”
Pat Emmet Taafe O’Connor was the grandson of Gaston de Gannes, who had developed a vast cocoa estate at Arima and had built the great plantation house “La Chance” there. P.E.T. O’Connor describes Christmas in the grand style of the French Creoles of long ago in his book “Some Trinidad Yesterdays”:
“As children, we spent a great deal of time at La Chance. Any excuse took us there for days or weeks - the school holidays, the Santa Rosa races or when our water supply failed at Manzanilla were all good reasons to descend on La Chance. Grandfather loved to have his family around him, and La Chance had been built with that end in view. But New Year’s day was his special day. It was the accepted tradition, and as imperative as a royal command, that all his children with their respective husbands and wives and children, to say nothing of the nannies and the nurse-maids, should gather for the great day, and I doubt if there was a son-in-law or daughter-in-law who would have dared to be absent on any excuse.
Some families took up residence from before Christmas, while others came only for the day. For those of us in residence, the days before the great day were filled with excitement. A large Christmas tree could be seen through the windows of one of the ante-rooms which was kept securely locked as the grown-ups busied themselves decorating the tree and labeling the presents, and we tried to peep through the key hole to see which was to be ours. The boys explored the estate or ran races up and down the driveways and the little girls played house with their dolls.
Then the big day arrived. We were up at dawn to wish Grandpa a happy New Year. He would be standing in his bedroom near his huge wardrobe with its doors open, as on the inside was tacked a neatly written list of the grandchildren. As we all  paraded in and out with our good wishes, he would consult his list and hand out the appropriate largesse. A golden sovereign to the eldest son of each family, a half-sovereign to the eldest girl and a silver crown or a half crown down the line to the younger children. The golden sovereign was soon to be a thing of the past!
Then to breakfast of hot chocolate and fresh bread and off to dress for nine o’clock mass in Arima. When dressed, the little boys in their stiffly starched white sailor suits, the older ones with their jackets and Eton collars, the girls in their bonnets and large hair ribbons, all were marshaled on the front steps to await the line of carriages and cabs for the drive to Arima. Leading the procession would be Grandpa and Grandma’s imposing carriage, drawn by its pair of imported matched bays, Nellie and Daisy. Old Dottin sat stiff and upright on  the high driver’s seat, and it was a special honour for the two grandsons who sere selected to sit beside him.
Then followed the line of cabs supplied by the John Brothers of Arima. By some unknown feat of organisation and communication, the John Brothers always knew exactly how many cabs were needed at La Chance. Be it for mass on Sunday or holiday, for the Santa Rosa races or to take one or more families to catch a train, the Johns were there on time and in sufficient numbers.
On our return from mass, first the children were fed in a large marquee erected on the front lawn, and what a feast it was. Then we were turned loose as the grown-ups took their places at the long table in the dining room with Grandpa at the head of the table proudly surveying his brood. The red and white wines which had been imported directly from France in their casks and which had been carefully bottled and laid down in the cellar under Grandpa’s personal supervision, were now expertly served by St. Hill, the butler, who was as much of an institution as everything else in the household.
On looking back I can only marvel at how La Chance functioned. On New Year’s Day, 1912, which was to be my last before going off to school in Ireland, we were fifty-four grandchildren assembled and yet, as I recall it, the household staff consisted of St. Hill, the butler, a cook somewhere in the background, and dear old Jane, Grandma’s personal maid.”

And this was Christmas in good old Trinidad
Land of the Sugar Cane and Cocoa Pod
Where the Ganteaumes spoke only to the de Verteuils
And the de Verteuils only to God. (Particularly at Christmas, I am sure!).

Wednesday, 17 August 2011

Begorrat


The Man from Diego Martin
Smuggler, politician and a lover of early calypso - the life story a typical Diego Martin planter of the 18th century
St. Hilaire, born in St. Pierre in Martinique in 1759, was the grandson of the treasurer of La Rochelle, an important port of France. Pierre, his father, had emigrated to Martinique as a teenager, and set himself up as a merchant in the then capital of that island, St. Pierre. His business flourished, and when St. Hilaire came of age, he was sent back to La Rochelle, where he became an engineer.
It was an interesting time to grow up in. St. Hilaire doubtlessly must have been impressed with the pre-revolutionary sentiments of ‘Liberté, Fraternité et Egalité’ (freedom, brotherhood and equality). As a young non-noble, educated Frenchman he could empathise with the values of the dawning French Revolution. Also, the English colonies in North America revolted, resulting in the declaration of independence of the United States in 1783. The highly democratic nature of the newly created U.S.A. must have further strengthened the anti-monarchist feelings of the young man.
In 1782, after his return to Martinique, St. Hilaire’s mother Anne had died, and since his older brother Pierre was old enough to take over the business in St. Pierre, 24-year old St. Hilaire decided to migrate to Trinidad with his father. The ‘Cedula of Population’ had opened up a range of possibilities to Roman-Catholic settlers in the almost entirely undeveloped island, and the Begorrats senior and junior saw a future in commerce and trade there.
And what better to sell to new land-owners than plants? St. Hilaire’s native Martinique had been enjoying a thriving sugar economy for decades, and the young man saw that this was a business opportunity in Trinidad, where only the low-yielding violet cane was grown so far.
“The yellow sugar cane came from Tahiti, and was introduced into the French islands by the celebrated navigator Bougainville. It was brought from Martinique to Trinidad by St. Hilaire Begorrat in 1782, together with the breadfruit tree, also originating in Tahiti, and the bamboo of Bourbon.” (P.G.L. Borde, 1876)
Trinidad in those years was inhabited by about 6,000 people, a third of whom lived in the newly appointed capital, Port-of-Spain (before 17..., the governor had resided in St. Joseph). Cotton was the major crop of the island in the 1780s, but also some cocoa and coffee. The Begorrats traded in the commodity, living in Port-of-Spain, where they rented business premises. Most likely, St. Hilaire was also a smuggler: in those years, this was not a stigmatised activity. Trinidad’s merchants were all semi-official ‘contrabandistas’ - allegedly with the silent consent by the colony’s treasurer, Don Christoval de Robles. Begorrat had a friend whose brother owned sailing vessels involved in the trade with Venezuela, and a brother with a commercial firm in Martinique - ideal conditions for contraband importation of French luxury items to the South American mainland. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, a coast patrol was established by the Intendant at Caracas, and the smugglers were deterred.
28 year-old St. Hilaire got married to Marie Eléonore Catharine Olivier, whose parents were French Creoles from Grenada. Together with Marie’s brother Mathurin, he purchased 128 acres of land in the forest-covered valley of Diego Martin in May 1787. The estate was called ‘Mon Désir’, and in addition to this land, Begorrat also petitioned an allotment of 358 acres of land to himself and his family.
“The size of the grant was determined by the terms of the Cedula,’ writes de Verteuil in his ‘History of Diego Martin’. “The personal entitlement for a white male or female was ten quarrees of land (a quarree being three and one fifth acres) and an additional five quarrees for each slave brought into the colony. Begorrat would have thus obtained for himself, his father and his wife, some 96 acres and another fifteen acres for each slave, so that we may conclude pretty safely that at that time he had eighteen slaves.”
The Begorrats left Port-of-Spain and began to prepare the virgin rainforest of Diego Martin for a coffee plantation. Their slaves pulled down the large forest trees, burnt the stubs, removed shrubs and weeds from the soil. An estate house and living quarters for the slaves had to be built. The spot that St. Hilaire chose for his house had a magnificient view to all four sides, encompassing the Caribbean Sea, the Gulf of Paria and the valley of Diego Martin. The limestone hilltop was pitted with caves, and one such cave served as the cellar of the Begorrat residence, called ‘Les Etages’ - and was also infamous for being used as a dungeon for slaves in punishment.
Initially, the republican-minded Begorrat was a slave-owner of the kinder sort, manumitting Africans for good services rendered. This was to change, however, after he fell victim to an attempted murder through poisoning. Livestock, fellow slaves, the plantation owners and their family, even plants - nobody was safe on a plantation if a murderous person dwelled amongst its inhabitants. For the slaves, poisoning was a method of resistance against an inhuman system. It was much feared by Europeans and Africans alike, since even if one escaped death, a financial crisis and more hard work for all was always the consequence, while the poisoner often remained protected by anonymity for a long time.
After the capture of Trinidad by the British in 1797, St. Hilaire became a capitulant, swearing allegiance to the King of Great Britain. Nevertheless, he started to group men around himself who were like him fed up with the system of monarchy. These revolutionaries later became involved in Bolivar’s wars of independence on the South American mainland. When the first British governor, Sir Thomas Picton, who assumed office in Trinidad in 1797, heard of St. Hilaire’s activities, he immediately questioned the man from Diego Martin. Begorrat refuted the accusations upon his dignity as a gentleman and capitulant, and Picton and himself were to become great friends.
St. Hilaire became intricately involved in local governance, mainly via his office in the Illustrious Cabildo. Thus, he was able to work against the cases of poisoning on the estate. Picton was a strict governor who had executions carried out in a most abhorrent manner: future poisoners and murderers should be deterred, and possible slave uprisings quelled.
Apart from his involvement in politics, St. Hilaire became removed from the urban society in Port-of-Spain.
“In the isolated valley he found for his entertainment and that of his friends, the African Caribbean culture which had possibly some connection with Martinique and which was couched in patois. On Sundays or feast days he sat as king, ‘le roi’, in his cave and had his chantwell or chief calzpso singer sing to the assembled company. And the songs which pleased St. Hilaire most were the ones which spread fear of him far and wide in the valley.” writes de Verteuil. For example:
“Begorrat et Diabl’la, c’est un
Begorrat et Diabl’la, c’est deux
Begorrat fort, cruel et mauvais
Begorrat roi-la dans son pays.”
Begorrat and the Devil are one
Begorrat and the Devil are a pair
Begorrat strong, cruel and wicked
Begorrat king in his country.
“Danois, Danois
Danois vole Begorrat laja
Danois vole tout moun - Dieg Martin.”
Danois steals Begorrat’s money
Danois steals from everyone in Diego Martin.
(Papa Cochon)
St. Hilaire established himself firmly on the scene of early calypso. As Mitto Sampson, a writer and keeper of many 19th century calypso legends, described:
“Legend has it that Lawa (King) Begorrat used to hold court in his cave, to which he would adjourn with favourite slaves and guests on occasions and attended was by African slave singers of ‘Cariso’ or ‘Caiso’, which were usually sung extemporare and were of a flattering nature, or satirical ordirected against unpopular neighbours or members of the plantation community, or else they were ‘Mepris’, a term given to a war of insults between two or more expert singers. Gros Jean is said to have the first of these bards or ‘chantwels’ to be appointed Master of Caiso, or ‘Mait Caiso’.”
Legend has it that the choleric Begorrat wanted to be known as a pitiless tyrant. Legend also has it that Begorrat and Gros Jean became such inseparable friends that the former’s wives (in truth, he had only one, Marie Eleonore) poisoned the ‘Mait Caiso’ out of jealousy. Gros Jean is said to have been mourned by Begorrat, who buried him in the family cemetary.
When St. Hilaire died in 1851 at the great age of 92, he would have known and enjoyed many calypsonians: Papa Cochon, the famous obeahman, Danois, a free man from the Danish Virgin Islands, Possum, Hannibal the Mulatto, Surisima the Carib, and Cedric le Blanc, a white chantwell. Forgotten were Begorrat’s tempers, his power and influence, and he was buried in the family cemetary alongside his wife, who had died of fever many years before. However, he was to literally turn up once more:
“Over one hundred years later, at the corner of the present Covigne Road and O’Donohue Streets in Diego Martin Village, foundations of a house were being excavated.” writes de Verteuil. “A workman’s pick struck something hard. It was a lead coffin. WIthin there were only the very ancient remains of a white lady, still in a state of half preservation. Shortly after the coffin was opened, to the utter consternation of the beholders, her skin turned black. Other bones were dug up from besides the lead coffin, but scant respect was paid to them. Begorrat’s bones were scattered in the valley he loved.”


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