Showing posts with label History of Haiti. Show all posts
Showing posts with label History of Haiti. Show all posts

Sunday, 7 November 2021

The Fires of Liberty in the New World

Two very important anniversaries in the Americas are: the 4th July is the Independence Day of the United States, and the 5th July that of Venezuela. 

Both those dates commemorate the end of revolutions, and the men who initiated and fought are today remembered as heroes and liberators. The Caribbean, in fact, has had many revolutionaries in the French, English and Spanish colonies. The upheavals acted as triggers for migration, and especially we in Trinidad have ancestors who came as the result of revolution in their previous homes. During the times of British colonialism, the heroes of other nations were all but forgotten. "One of the troubles with our system of education is that it ignores the region to which we belong. What does the school-boy in San Fernando know about Simon Bolivar? Or about Jose Marti? Or about Toussaint of Haiti?" said Prof. Dr. Philip Sherlock in a radio programme in 1964. Today, as an independent nation, we will blow away the thick layer of dust from the marble busts of the heroes, an have a look at who some of those revolutionaries really were.

The close of the 18th century was a pivotal period for the western hemisphere north and south. It was a time of war, where England  fought its old enemy France, who in turn supported the colonists in North America who were struggling for independence. Spain, who was now out of the race for European dominance of the New World, fought to keep her colonies in South America; colonies she could hardly now afford to maintain.  

The colonies in both North and South America overthrew the monarchies—the House of Hanover, England's ruling dynasty, in the North, and Spain's House of Bourbon in the South—and went on to write for themselves republican constitutions. 

The war of American Independence came to an end in 1781 with the surrender of General Cornwallis, the commander of English troops in the American colonies. Great Britain recognised the government of the United States of America as independent. Slavery was made illegal in the state of Massachusetts on the ground that the words in the constitution of 1780 were "All men are born free and equal", which was a nullification of slavery. Maryland followed and also outlawed the slave trade.  

George Washington was born in Bridges creek, Virginia, in 1732. His great-grandfather was first mentioned in Virginia about 70 years earlier, where he acquired wealth and public standing. George's father Augustine died while George was still a little boy. George was a healthy boy, and in 1747, he went to Mount Vernon, the residence of his eldest half-brother Lawrence, who had inherited most of the estate. In 1748, George gained employment with the Fairfaxes, the family of Lawrence's wife, as a surveyor of the Fairfax property. During his employment, George learnt to hunt, to use arms and became interested in the strategies of warfare. In 1751, George came to the Caribbean, to Barbados to be precise, to accompany his half-brother in the last months of his life; he died the following year of consumption. George inherited the estate and became guardian of his niece. 

In 1755, Washington became involved in warfare for the first time, when the English colonies of America sent an expedition against the French colonies of that continent. Four years later, he married a rich young widow, and upon the death of his niece he became one of the richest men in America.

The British colonies in America became involved in a five-year quarrel with Britain in 1765. Washington first had the viewpoint of peaceful measures and negotion, but soon changed his view in that he favoured force to defend his countrymen's rights. He took a leading part in the political arena, and being neither an orator nor a writer, he excelled in common sense and management of affairs. Becoming commander-in-chief,  he led the first American contingent against the British in Boston in 1775.  

In the following six years, the Americans waged a war for independence against the British. In close alliance with the French from 1778 onwards, the war was eventually won in 1781, and George Washington resigned his commission as commander in chief of the American army, having accomplished his great work of defeating the British forces. In 1793 he laid the cornerstone of the Capitol in Washington in a masonic ritual in which he presided as master.  

In the war for the independence of the British colonies in North America, several thousand Africans had fought on both sides. Slaves gained their freedom for serving the Union under General George Washington. Some black regiments came from as far away as Haiti.

"The aim of the Franco-American alliance was to evict the British from Savannah, Georgia," remarks Smithsonian Museum their publication The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution. They continue: "In early September [of 1779], a French fleet of thirty-three sail, under the command of the Comte d'Estaing, anchored off the Georgia cost and discharged its troops. As reported in the Paris Gazette, there were 2,979 'Europeans' and 545 'Coloureds': 'Volunteer Chasseurs, Mulattoes, and Negroes, newly raised at St. Domingo,' the latter called the Fontages Legion after its French commander. 

"Among the coloured volunteers in the American cause were young men destined to become famous in the Haitian revolution—among them were André Rigaud and Luis Jacques Beauvais, non-commissioned officers at Savannah; Martial Besse, a general under the Versailles Convention; Jean Baptisete Mars Belley, deputy to the convention; and Henri Christophe, future king." 

French revolutionary thinkers, such as the Marquis de Lafayette, influenced the framers of both the American and Haitian constitutions. As a result, Haitian patriots supported Washington's war for independence.

Among many Haitians who came to Trinidad and Tobago were also the descendants of General Alexander Dumas, another hero of the Haitian revolution. Today, the family of Reginald Dumas, former head of the Public Service, still live in our country. 

Africans fought also for England, as witnessed by the Company Villages in south Trinidad. Soldiers of these Black detatchments in the British army were transported to Trinidad and given land and freedom. 

In Trinidad, 1783 was a pivotal year. It saw the promulgation of the Cedula of Population, a document issued from the Spanish Royal Court at Madrid that was of special importance to our island. It established an immigration policy to Trinidad, and defined the creation of modern Trinidad as distinct from the old, Spanish times. It opened the doors to significant agricultural development. Even after the abolition of slavery here in 1838, this agricultural foundation went on to make this island one of the wealthiest territories in these parts. The cedula also served to create one of the most racially diversified places in the world through its terms. The whole agreement was the work of a significant man, Philippe Rose Roume de St. Laurent, who had been born in the island of Grenada. Roume de St. Laurnet later served the French government as 'ordinateur' (judge) in Tobago. He represented Napoleon Bonaparte as one of the commissioners of Haiti. When he married Marianne Rochard, a coloured woman from Tobago, in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Toussaint L'Ouverture and his brother were their witnesses.



Simon Bolivar

1783 was also the year that Simon Bolivar, the great liberator of South America, was born in Caracas. For more than 200 years, this city had been one of the great centres of Spanish imperial power in South America. Ever since de Losada had founded it in 1567, Caracas had grown in size, power and influence. 

The Bolivars were one of the great families of Caracas. In their veins ran the blood of Africa, of the Iberian peninsula, and of the natives of the Andes. They owned large estates of sugar cane which were worked by slave labour, as well as silver mines that produced tremendous wealth. Simon's grandfather had been granted a colonial title of nobility by the Spanish court. 

Orphaned before his fifteenth birthday, Simon Bolivar's maternal grandfather, Feliciano Palacios, took him in his care and arranged for him to have the best possible education in Venezuela and in Spain. Amongst his tutors were Simon Rodriguez and Andres Bello. Simon distinguished himself during the years of his education in Spain with his academic accomplishments. There, at the age of 18, he fell in love with Teresa del Toro, who was a year younger. The families insisted on a year's delay of marriage. At the end of the year, Bolivar married Teresa and took his wife back to one of the family's plantations in the valley of Aragua, near Caracas. Not long after, Teresa died of a malignant fever, and the heartbroken Simon swore never to remarry. He kept his oath, however, he always enjoyed the company of women and admitted that the inspiration he gained from them was a necessity to him.

Single, young Bolivar returned to Europe. He was the guest of the Marquis de Uztaiz, who gave him access to one of the greatest private libraries of Spain, famous for its collections on the physical sciences, history, philosophy and politics. It was during this period at Cadiz that Simon met Francisco de Miranda.  

Miranda was a remarkable person. He was the type of intellectual that revolution turns into a military leader, and he became the precursor of Venezuela's fight for independence. Born in Caracas, Francisco's education was immense. He had devoted many years to the study of politics. Simon Bolivar was greatly influenced by the older man's grasp of culture and history, and of the philosophy of the "rights of man". Bolivar became a member of Lodge Lautro in Cadiz in 1803, together with two other great South American patriots, José de San Martin, later the liberator of Argentina, and Bernardo O'Higgins, later the national hero of Chile. 

Argentine soldier and statesman, national hero of Argentina, José de San Martin was born in Yapeyu in 1778. Played a great part in winning independence for his native land, Chile and Peru. Officer in the Spanish army (1789-1812), but helped Buenos Aires in its struggle for independence (1812-1814). Raised army in Argentina, and in January 1817 marched across the Andes to Chile, where he and Bernardo O'Higgins defeated the Spanish at Chacabuco and Maipo, thus winning independence for Chile. Subsequently, he won independence for Peru and became this country's protector. He resigned in 1822 after differences with Bolivar and died in exile in Boulogne in 1850.

Bernardo O'Higgins, the Chilean revolutionary, born in Chillán in 1778, illegitimate son of Ambrosio O'Higgins, the Irish-born viceroy of Chile and Peru. Played a great part in the Chilean revolt of 1810-1817, and became known as the 'Liberator of Chile'. In 1817-1823 he was the new republic's first president, but was deposed after a revolution and retired to Peru, where he died in 1842. 

This was a time when words like "liberty" and "equality" were powerful concepts. The term "rights of man" can be understood only against the background of a Europe dominated by autocratic monarchs, supported by aristocracies that excluded vast majorities of the population. The furnace of the French Revolution had branded those ideas upon the consciousness of a generation. The revolution in France was followe by the era of Napoleon Bonaparte, and there was a growing interest in science and the roots of another revolution, the Industrial Revolution.  

In Paris, Simon Bolivar met the great German scientist and explorer Alexander von Humboldt, who knew South America well. Bolivar told him his feelings of the dignity of life in his homeland, and to this von Humboldt replied: "I believe that your country is ripe for emancipation. But who will be the man to undertake so vast an enterprise?" 

Bolivar traveled to Rome in the company of his former tutor Simon Rodriguez. There, one golden afternoon, they climbed to the top of the Aventin Hill, where more than 2000 years before the ancient Romans had been accustomed to reaffirm their right for freedom.

Simon Bolivar gazed long at the monuments and the ruins of classical buildings spread before him. Then, all of a sudden, he turned to Rodriguez and said:"I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers, by my fore-fathers themselves, by my honour and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain."

Thus, great decisions are made, and this one was to be the turning point for South American affairs. Sometimes, a person would move to the moment of decision so gradually that at first, there is no sign of change or of the turn in his or her life. But to others, it is a bolt from the blue, a moment of revelation, such as happened to Paul on the Damascus Road. 

Not long after his stay in Rome, upon his return to Caracas, Bolivar met with a group known as the Patriotic Society. They were in disorder and had no idea how to go forward. Bolivar forced the issues, cried out to them: "These doubts are the sad effects of our ancient chains. Chains we no longer need to wear. They say that we should prepare for great projects with calm - are not 300 years of calm sufficient? Without fear, let us lay the cornerstone of South American independence."

Events moved swiftly. Bolivar, Andres Bello and others went to London in search of British help. They also persuaded Francisco de Miranda to return and lead the armies of Liberation. It was his second attempt to break the shackles that bound the southern continent to Spain. 

But the general, who had once commanded an army on the Rhine, was now too old - he could not adapt himself to guerrilla warfare, bungled the campaign and accepted terms from the Spanish. Bolivar arrested him. The rot, however, had set in. 

The revolution was smashed, the leaders arrested. Miranda was sent to Spain in chains. Bolivar escaped to Curaçao and eventually to Haiti, where Toussaint L'Ouverture offered asylum. All his property and estates in Venezuela were confiscated. Notwithstanding, he kept his courage and his flaming faith in the cause of liberation.

When Bolivar returned to Venezuela, the tide was turned from the neighbouring island of Trinidad. From there, a small band of men, remembered as the "Immortal 45", crossed the Gulf of Paria under the command of a young man by the name of Santiago Moreño. They took the coastal towns, drawing thousands to their cause.  

Bolivar's famous Cartagena manifesto demonstrated the importance for all American States to work together for independence. The second phase of the revolution was now underway. Final victory was yet a long way away., however. 

Simon Bolivar kept the course and held before him the lesson "Let no motive therefore make you swerve from your duty, violate your vows or betray your trust." 

 "United we are strong" is a concept as old as humanity. In the history of nations, it manifests itself in the form of federations. Simon Bolivar had a dream of a federation of South American states, with his home country, Venezuela, being part of that. Partly liberator and elected president, partly dictator, Bolivar succeeded in joining Venezuela, Colombia and New Granada into a republic called Colombia. In 1822, Ecuador was joined, and in 1824 Peru. Upper Peru was named Bolivia in his honour, however, the inhabitants of that state were not at all satisfied with Bolivar's consitution and drove out his troops. In 1828, also the republicans in Colombia rebelled against Bolivar's supreme power, and in 1829, Venezuela split from the federation and elected José Antonio Páez as president. A year later, Bolivar died, leaving behind a shattered federation, but a dream of federation very much alive in the former Spanish colonies of South America. 

Páez' power collapsed in the 1840s, when liberal ideas became stronger. From 1846 to 1858, control of the country was in the hands of José Tadeo Monagas and his brother José Gregorio. They were not liberal, and apart from the abolition of slavery in 1854, nothing much was achieved for the people.

After the collapse of the Monagas regime, chaos and turmoil struck Venezuela for twelve years. Páez tried to once more restore order in the early 1860s, but failed. The turmoil ended with Antonio Guzmán Blanco assuming power in 1870 and assuming dictatorial rule until 1888.  

A quantity of Venezuelan families from both Caracas and the coastal towns came to Trinida in the period of the dictators. Others merely renewed older links with the island. French creole families, such as the Ganteaumes and the Pantins, and German creoles such as Wuppermann and Siegert, married into Caracanian families, such as Machado and de Tova. 

Guzmán, like the other dictators, did not achieve any alleviation in the mass poverty of Venezuela. He rebuilt Caracas, but the rural masses remained in their hovels. After his regime ended, the country again fell into chaos, until stability was re-gained at the terrible price of oppression and brutality. Cipriano Castro ruled from 1899 to 1908, followed by Juan Vicente Gómez from 1908 until 1935.

 "Bolivar's dreams of liberty and freedom proved illusory," writes Esmond Wright (ed.) in "History of the World". Dr. Philip Sherlock adds in a lecture on Radio Guardian, 1964: "Bolivar had been successful in the war because he had the support of the great conservative families. They were hostile to Spain. But when Spain was defeated, all hte old vested interests began to assert their power and take charge. It was the old landed estate, the latifundia, against any form of democratic rule. Bolivar dreamed of a great federation of the South American continent, that would be the counterpart of the United States. The nine years between 1821 and 1830 found Bolivar struggling to defeat the parochialism and selfishness of the landed proprietors. The struggle brought frustration and defeat."


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Toussaint L'Ouverture

 William Wordsworth wrote of Toussaint L'Ouverture:

"There is not a breathing of the common wind that will forget thee;
thou hast great allies;
thy friends are exultation,
agonies and love,
and man's unconquerable mind."
(published in the Morning Post, 2 February 1803)

Pierre Dominique Toussaint L'Ouverture - his surname possibly deriving from his bravery in battle where he once made a breach in the ranks of the enemy, was born a slave on Breda plantation, St. Domingue (Haiti), in 1746. It is said that he came from noble stock, in that he was the grandson of an African king, King Goau-Guinou of the Aradas. He was taught to read and write by Pierre Baptiste, a free black. It would appear that his father was highly regarded by the master of L'Habitation Breda, the Comte de Noé, who, upon his marriage to a slave Pauline, granted him 'liberté de savanne', a partial freedom that allowed the slave, although still the property of his master, freedom within the confines of the estate to live his own life.
"Toussaint's father was also granted a parcel of land and five slaves of his own to work for him," wrote Wenda Parkinson in an account of the life of Toussaint, entitled "The gilded African". There were five children born to the marriage, Pierre, the eldest, became a colonel in the army of the king of Spain; Paul served as a general in the French colonial army, Marie Jean, the only girl, married a colonel. There was a boy who died young named Goau-Guinou after his royal grandfather, and then there was Toussaint.
Philip Sherlock wrote of him:
"Toussaint had a quick mind, he learnt quickly, learnt from his father the use of healing herbs; learnt the ancient stories of his people, and above all learnt to hate the degradation of slavery."
The Comte de Noé was a man of the enlightenment and recognised in this family a natural intelligence. Being kindly, he lent the boys books.
St. Domingue, the futile, prosperous colony that it was, groaned beneath the weight of slavery. Toussaint saw men and women treated not as human beings, but as things. As a youth, tall, thin, a trifle frail, he was called 'fatras baton' - the thrashing stick. He tested his strength swimming the fast-flowing rivers, climbed to the hilltops alone and crawled up the rocky crags on the mountains above Breda. He saw the schooners and sloops setting out from Haitian ports for France, laden with such quantities of sugar, coffee, indigo and cotton that all of Europe marvelled. He saw the production of sugar grow and then grow even more to the stage when Haiti in 1789 was producing one third more sugar than all the British colonies in the Caribbean.
His father, the coachman to the Comte de Noé, would take him along when the Comte attended the affairs of the nobility. He saw the wealth that flowed into the estates, the finery from Paris, the opulence of absolute ownership. He knew that all this power and wealth rested on the basis of plantation slavery and was witness to the appalling cruelty so revolting that it would sicken you if it were to be recalled in detail.
Beneath this power, this wealth, beneath the crushing heel, there was a rising anger, swelling like some vast tide. As an explosion it came in 1791 when 100,000 Africans rose in revolt and swept the north of St. Domingue with fire and sword.
Toussaint joined the rebels. At first, he was suspect. They had won the hard-fought battles; they had put the fire, and they had faced the fire. But his determination was relentless and his skill in war obvious. By sheer power of his leadership he came to be regarded as their best general.
Regiments from France arrived and the colonists by and large refused the moderate terms of peace that were asked by Toussaint and the rebels. The colonists were contemptuous. "Did Toussaint think that they had brought half a million African slaves to the New World to make them French citizens?" they asked.
Now came the heroic moment in Toussaint's life: should he take the easy road and return to Breda, or the difficult road that meant years of war, perhaps even defeat? As a learned man, he may have remembered the words of Pericles, spoken in Athens over the Athenians who had given their lives for their country: "Life was dear, but they held their honour dearer, and so when the hour came it brought not terror but glory."
With that decision, a rebellion without a clear purpose became a war of liberation.
The hounds of war howled over the island and behind came the horsemen of the apocalypse, bringing disease, starvation and death. Toussaint first fought the French, then the Spaniards in the eastern half of the island (now the Dominican Republic). Then he fought against Maitland and his English army. His tattered army victorious, he now ruled all the island which Christopher Columbus had named Hispaniola, both what was once French and what was once Spanish.
In France, the French Revolution had swept the monarchy from the throne and had beheaded the aristocracy. Out of that new reality came Napoleon Bonaparte. The shadow of the Corsican dictator fell over all Europe. In Haiti, Toussaint strove to create a free African state. Napoleon saw quite clearly the real meaning of the Haitian revolution. He knew that the successful slave revolt in that island was a turning point in the history of the New World. He himself told his minister Talleyrand to inform England that "the freedom of the Negroes, if recognised in St. Domingue and legalised by France, would at all times be a rallying point for freedom-seekers of the New World".
Napoleon sent an armada of 46 ships to Haiti's harbours, carrying an army of 46,000 men to subdue Toussaint and his people. At first, the Haitian was overwhelmed and dismayed at the vastness of Napoleon's army. Turning of a strategy of "burnt earth", he summoned his best general Jean-Jacques Dessalines and instructed him:
"Remember that this soil nourished on our blood and sweat must not yield a crumb of food to our enemies. Keep all roads under constant fire. Throw the bodies of horses and men into all wells and springs, destroy everything, burn everything."
The three terrible allies Toussaint, yellow fever and dysentery reduced Napoleon's army to a shambles. In the end, having lost 60,000 men, Napoleon withdrew from the New World and gave up his designs on Haiti and Louisiana.
Toussaint had secured the freedom of Haiti. His actions were of direct benefit to the infant Federation of the United States, to whom Napoleon sold Louisiana. Toussaint, however, did not see the end. Betrayed by one of his friends, French General Brunet, he was kidnapped and taken to France. As the ship sailed into the rolling Atlantic swells, Haiti hardly more than a memory hovering on the horizon, Toussaint said:
"In overthrowing me, you have cut down in Haiti only the trunk of the tree of liberty. It will spring up again by the roots, for they are numerous and deep."
Toussaint L'Ouverture died ten months later in a fortress in the bleak and wintry Jura mountains, but the roots of the tree sprouted again and in 1804 Haiti was finally free.


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Thursday, 12 April 2012

Toussaint L'Ouverture


 William Wordsworth wrote of Toussaint L'Ouverture:
"There is not a breathing of the common wind that will forget thee;
thou hast great allies;
thy friends are exultation,
agonies and love,
and man's unconquerable mind."
(published in the Morning Post, 2 February 1803)

Pierre Dominique Toussaint L'Ouverture - his surname possibly deriving from his bravery in battle where he once made a breach in the ranks of the enemy, was born a slave on Breda plantation, St. Domingue (Haiti), in 1746. It is said that he came from noble stock, in that he was the grandson of an African king, King Goau-Guinou of the Aradas. He was taught to read and write by Pierre Baptiste, a free black. It would appear that his father was highly regarded by the master of L'Habitation Breda, the Comte de Noé, who, upon his marriage to a slave Pauline, granted him 'liberté de savanne', a partial freedom that allowed the slave, although still the property of his master, freedom within the confines of the estate to live his own life.
"Toussaint's father was also granted a parcel of land and five slaves of his own to work for him," wrote Wenda Parkinson in an account of the life of Toussaint, entitled "The gilded African". There were five children born to the marriage, Pierre, the eldest, became a colonel in the army of the king of Spain; Paul served as a general in the French colonial army, Marie Jean, the only girl, married a colonel. There was a boy who died young named Goau-Guinou after his royal grandfather, and then there was Toussaint.
Philip Sherlock wrote of him:
"Toussaint had a quick mind, he learnt quickly, learnt from his father the use of healing herbs; learnt the ancient stories of his people, and above all learnt to hate the degradation of slavery."
The Comte de Noé was a man of the enlightenment and recognised in this family a natural intelligence. Being kindly, he lent the boys books.
St. Domingue, the futile, prosperous colony that it was, groaned beneath the weight of slavery. Toussaint saw men and women treated not as human beings, but as things. As a youth, tall, thin, a trifle frail, he was called 'fatras baton' - the thrashing stick. He tested his strength swimming the fast-flowing rivers, climbed to the hilltops alone and crawled up the rocky crags on the mountains above Breda. He saw the schooners and sloops setting out from Haitian ports for France, laden with such quantities of sugar, coffee, indigo and cotton that all of Europe marvelled. He saw the production of sugar grow and then grow even more to the stage when Haiti in 1789 was producing one third more sugar than all the British colonies in the Caribbean.
His father, the coachman to the Comte de Noé, would take him along when the Comte attended the affairs of the nobility. He saw the wealth that flowed into the estates, the finery from Paris, the opulence of absolute ownership. He knew that all this power and wealth rested on the basis of plantation slavery and was witness to the appalling cruelty so revolting that it would sicken you if it were to be recalled in detail.
Beneath this power, this wealth, beneath the crushing heel, there was a rising anger, swelling like some vast tide. As an explosion it came in 1791 when 100,000 Africans rose in revolt and swept the north of St. Domingue with fire and sword.
Toussaint joined the rebels. At first, he was suspect. They had won the hard-fought battles; they had put the fire, and they had faced the fire. But his determination was relentless and his skill in war obvious. By sheer power of his leadership he came to be regarded as their best general.
Regiments from France arrived and the colonists by and large refused the moderate terms of peace that were asked by Toussaint and the rebels. The colonists were contemptuous. "Did Toussaint think that they had brought half a million African slaves to the New World to make them French citizens?" they asked.
Now came the heroic moment in Toussaint's life: should he take the easy road and return to Breda, or the difficult road that meant years of war, perhaps even defeat? As a learned man, he may have remembered the words of Pericles, spoken in Athens over the Athenians who had given their lives for their country: "Life was dear, but they held their honour dearer, and so when the hour came it brought not terror but glory."
With that decision, a rebellion without a clear purpose became a war of liberation.
The hounds of war howled over the island and behind came the horsemen of the apocalypse, bringing disease, starvation and death. Toussaint first fought the French, then the Spaniards in the eastern half of the island (now the Dominican Republic). Then he fought against Maitland and his English army. His tattered army victorious, he now ruled all the island which Christopher Columbus had named Hispaniola, both what was once French and what was once Spanish.
In France, the French Revolution had swept the monarchy from the throne and had beheaded the aristocracy. Out of that new reality came Napoleon Bonaparte. The shadow of the Corsican dictator fell over all Europe. In Haiti, Toussaint strove to create a free African state. Napoleon saw quite clearly the real meaning of the Haitian revolution. He knew that the successful slave revolt in that island was a turning point in the history of the New World. He himself told his minister Talleyrand to inform England that "the freedom of the Negroes, if recognised in St. Domingue and legalised by France, would at all times be a rallying point for freedom-seekers of the New World".
Napoleon sent an armada of 46 ships to Haiti's harbours, carrying an army of 46,000 men to subdue Toussaint and his people. At first, the Haitian was overwhelmed and dismayed at the vastness of Napoleon's army. Turning of a strategy of "burnt earth", he summoned his best general Jean-Jacques Dessalines and instructed him:
"Remember that this soil nourished on our blood and sweat must not yield a crumb of food to our enemies. Keep all roads under constant fire. Throw the bodies of horses and men into all wells and springs, destroy everything, burn everything."
The three terrible allies Toussaint, yellow fever and dysentery reduced Napoleon's army to a shambles. In the end, having lost 60,000 men, Napoleon withdrew from the New World and gave up his designs on Haiti and Louisiana.
Toussaint had secured the freedom of Haiti. His actions were of direct benefit to the infant Federation of the United States, to whom Napoleon sold Louisiana. Toussaint, however, did not see the end. Betrayed by one of his friends, French General Brunet, he was kidnapped and taken to France. As the ship sailed into the rolling Atlantic swells, Haiti hardly more than a memory hovering on the horizon, Toussaint said:
"In overthrowing me, you have cut down in Haiti only the trunk of the tree of liberty. It will spring up again by the roots, for they are numerous and deep."
Toussaint L'Ouverture died ten months later in a fortress in the bleak and wintry Jura mountains, but the roots of the tree sprouted again and in 1804 Haiti was finally free.


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Tuesday, 20 September 2011

Haiti


Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Trinidadians today descend from Haitians both black and white who fled the bloody revolution in Haiti in the late 18th century.

The popular refrain goes: “Haiti, I’m sorry.” To try to grasp the heroism and the calamity of Haity in the 1780s is difficult in terms of personal heroism, the defining of one’s humanity despite other people’s realities, the willingness to fight for it while paying the price for it. This revolutionary period left several hundred thousand people dead in Haiti in a twenty-year period. Those who experienced human trauma on such a scale could only survive with the creation of profound new realities in truth.
Haiti’s trauma is universal, particularly in terms of calamities. The calamity of slavery on the whole from the 16th to the 19th century, the calamity of Adolf Hitler’s holocaust of the 1940s, of Joseph Stalin’s mass murder on an even greater scale than Hitler’s in the same period on the same continent - those took place in the living memory of a large percentage of the population of the world today.
Historian Philip Roshford once said to me: “Experience is not what happens to a person, it’s what a person does with what happens to him or her.” So before we feel sorry for Haiti, let us try and understand what happened when and to whom.
Charles Dickens’ ‘Tale of Two Cities’ commences with the words: “It was the best of times, it was the worst of times,”, referring to the French Revolution of 1789, an event that changed the order of things in Europe and the western world forever. The divine right of kings, both as idea and ideal, lost its meaning the moment a Corsican gentleman soldier, Napoleon Bonaparte, declared himself emperor in 1804 and nominated his immediate family to European thrones, thrones that had previously traced their pedigrees back more than 2000 years to antique chieftains who were called names like Thorbald the Clatterer and Eystein the Fart. The world order in the western world had changed.
In the 18th century, France’s best money produced was the island of St. Domingue, Haiti. It was also where France lived out its most macabre ‘alter ego’. Millions of people from the African continent, varieties of tribes, peoples, religions and cultures, arrived at a place after a horrendous journey and proceeded to experience conditions so terrifying that to attempt to describe them would be distracting. The Africans took what happened to them and out of those experiences they produced their own cultural syncretisms, parodies of the dominant European culture in conjunction with their own common African past. Because of the importation of new slaves, this syncretism was always added to - Haiti was the first real melting pot in the Caribbean.
Life’s parameters in Haiti in those days were determined by skin colour, the command of wealth and the displays of barbarity and debauchery. To make it in Haiti you had to be rich, white and very weird in an 18th century style. As a slave island, it operated on a large scale: hundreds of thousands of acres were under sugar cultivation. To make sugar viable, this required a workforce of slaves shipped from Africa at the rate of thousands every decade. This system was bound to collapse; it could not be maintained forever.
The situation, driven by greed, produced a variety of racial types the world had never seen before. Laws were made to stop African slave women from being given property by French men in love with them. The thus deprived offspring of such relationships was excluded from both worlds, despising their mothers and wanting to be a part of their father’s society.
The Haitian plantocracy lived in fear in the midst of sumptuous wealth. The slaves, on the other hand, lived in fear, anger and hope of revenge.
In Europe’s rigid society, Haiti began as an oddity. In the 17th century, low-class adventurers left France for Haiti to be planters, pirates, opportunists and slavemasters. They soom became rich with big sugar estates. Their descendants at the time of the French Revolution were the rich and affected ‘petit blancs’. Elements of the provincial nobility also came to Haiti, bourgeois businessmen, administrators, soldiers, a whole system to organise and produce sugar. Three main classes emerged in the colony, each rigidly segregated, producing bitter divisions and laying down the conditions of what was to come. By the 1780s, the classes consisted of at the top the senior government and army from France, the planters and wealthy merchants; in the middle, the ‘petits blancs’, the non-whites, mulattoes, quadroons and freed blacks; and at the bottom, the great number os slaves. The first looked down upon the second, who in turn envied and resented the former, while both classes of European descendants considered themselves a world apart from all non-whites, not to mention the slaves.
Another spin was put on it by the ongoing marriages of impecunious nobility with rich petit blancs and the great-granddaughters of slaves who now looked like European women and lived in palatial plantation houses. During the years of the French Revolution from 1789 and the triumph of the slave population in 1803, several factions fought each other with unbelievable ferocity. There were horrific massacres of Europeans, 30,000 in Cap Francis alone, in revenge of the sad depredations of the Africans with medieval tortures hatched in a barbaric time.
At least three men gave themselves the name or Macandal Daaga. He was a poisoner, a science man, a loup garou. A wild man, he lived alone and perfected poisons. Wenda Parkinson in her book ‘This gilded African’ remarks that nobody will ever know how many people he killed, both black and white. The sheer name of Daaga spread terror into the hearts of Haitians. Eventually, the man was caught, tied to a stake and burnt alive.  Miraculously, he escaped the flames, his body on fire. For a long time after, people said that Daaga could not die.
In 1789, a sailor boy jumped onto the jetty from a merchant ship and went into the town shouting: ‘Liberté, liberté! The bastide has fallen!” With the French Revolution having begun, Haiti fell into total anarchy. Similar to the situation in France, everybody who had hated everybody now started killing everybody.
In Paris, Maximiliene Marie Isidore de Robespierre (1758 - 1794), the man who was running the revolution in France, was told of the destruction of property and of the colonists. Advised that he should intervene, Robespierre declared: “Perish the colonies rather than sacrifice on tenth of our principles”.
Out of the chaos and destruction of the whites, of their plantations and their economy, a strong man began to emerge. He fought the royalists, the mulattoes and even the blacks. He imposed order ... as best he could. Toussaint L’Ouverture, an African of princely descent, grew up on a huge estate owned by a count who had recognised in Toussaint’s father a remarkable intellect and strength of character. They could not become friends under the circumstances. Toussaint’s father was a slave, however, he had his house on the estate, was his master’s driver and traveling companion and most importantly of all, possessed a treasure beyond imagination: he was able to read. The boy Toussaint grew like a cobweb broom: reedy, bright-eyed, quick in both French and Patois. His manners were elegant. Years later, he surprised the bigots who had been sent to his country by his style, generosity and charm, and most of all the principles of the Englightenment and the rights of man he had ingrained. The count and his father had done a good job.
L’Ouverture, soldier, statesman, revolutionary, was a significant man of his times. To get the big picture, he has to be placed alongside George Washington and Simon Bolivar.
In Haiti, blood flowed and plantations burned. There are fantastic stories of heroism and of love by black people for the people who once owned them. Some people who live in Trinidad today, were saved by former Haitian slaves during the revolution. They have this story:
The house was on fire, blazing in the night, bright yellow behind the lace courtains. The old man was dead, his sons too. Their wives were already burning upstairs. The slaves are rioting outside. Down the frontsteps comes the Da, the black nanny. She has madam’s jewel box tight against her chest. A man, blood streaming down the arm that is holding a cutlass, rushes past, snatches the jewel case and runs screaming into the night. She walks fast into the ruined garden. The planter’s little boy and his sister are running too, stooping under their nanny’s wide skirts. She saves the children she has taken care of  and breast-fed herself, puts them on a boat bound for Trinidad.
Similarly, the Count of Loppinot escaped inside of a wooden barrel into which some loyal slaves of his had put him, and many others who came to Trinidad. Many came with gold and jewellery, emeralds and rubies - they were once very rich. This is how they started back again in Trinidad.
Toussaint L’Ouverture himself knew that the Haitian economy was ultimately linked to France. The vested interest in France, the merchants, importers and exporters, sought inspite of Robespierre’s sentiment an accommodation between the two revolutions, one European and one Caribbean.

Philip Rose Roume de St. Laurent

During this period, a Grenada-born man named Philipe Rose Roume de St. Laurent had been appointed ordinator (judge) in Tobago under the administration of Arthur Count Dillon. Because of his experience in the West Indies, Roume de St. Laurent was one of three men chosen to be France’s commissioners to Haiti to facilitate affairs with all the parties concerned.
In Trinidad, he is remembered as the originator of the French Creole presence here. This memory was of no use to the British who took the island in 1797. He was written out of colonial history. At Trinidad’s independence, under the banner ‘Massa Day Done’ the French Creoles were put into approbrium by the political party that had come into power in Trinidad. Roume de St. Laurent was forgotten for a second time. In fact, however, he was a very significant Caribbean man. He is not obscure, and his descendants and perhaps hundreds of his immediate relatives live here in Trinidad.
Roume de St. Laurent was born on the 13th October, 1743. His mother was a de Gannes. Educated in Grenada, Philip was brought up as a gentleman. He was one of those people who had the ‘common touch’, but he was also able to talk to kings without being in awe. Slim, of medium height, a little too good-looking perhaps, he turned out to be possessed of vision. He understood the revolution and worked to serve the interestof French people in the Caribbean, which did not exclude mulattoes and free blacks.
Roume de St. Laurent arranged for these same people to come to Trinidad before the French Revolution. His foresight created the precedent of the Cedula of Population that was the legal framework for the French to keep coming even during the revolutions in Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique, St. Lucia, Dominica and Grenada. Black, white and coloured, free and enslaved, they came, were allotted the land and worked on their plantations: their descendants in their hundreds of thousands are Trinidadians now.
This is why both the British colonial and the post-independence educators swept him under the carpet: he might have stolen the thunder of British administrators and nation-building politicians. As a national figure, to evoke his memory would have put a stop to divisive politics by providing a hero in whom so many of us would have a vested interest, a common origin. And this is why history is so important: it informs choice.
Roume de St. Laurent made Caribbean politics his career. He brokered with the King of Spain for French-speaking people from all over the Caribbean to come here. He and his mother owned estates in Maraval, Ariapita and Diego Martin. He himself never lived here, however, his relatives did.
Serving the Bourbon kings both in France and in Spain, he made money from revolutionary politics.  At that time, he added the aristocratic ‘de St. Laurent’ to his name. Michael Pocock in his authoritative essay on Roume did not think he was a nobleman, although his lineage was ancient. Pierre Gustave Louis Borde described him as a chevalier.
In Haiti, after his posting as judge in Tobago, he was once more just ‘Citizen Roume’. HIs tasks became more complicated with Napoleon becoming emperor. Roume’s role changed, evolving from monarchist to revolutionary to imperial commissioner. His situation was precarious in terms of life and teath. Both his bosses, Napoleon and Toussaint L’Ouverture, were dangerous men. By this time, various life crises had overtaken him and he divorced his English wife. She was the daughter of a general, and he was now looking for other alliances.
The revolution in the Caribbean was about slaves and people of African descent. Simon Bolivar in South America had the blod of slaves in his veins; Fedon in Grenada was a free coloured; Victor Hugues, the terror of the revolution in the Caribbean, was a mulatto; Toussaint L’Ouverture a ‘gilded African’.
Miriam Rochard is remembered by those of her sister’s descendants who still had the story and sho lived in Woodbrook up to a few years ago as a very goodlooking woman with red auburn hair and green eyes. She was the natural daughter of Thmas Danier Rochard Lepine and Genevieve ..., a free woman of colour. They lived both in Tobago and Grenada, and they had money. Roume de St. Laurent also lived with her in Tobago. He married Miriam in Port Republicain, now Port-au-Prince, in 1799 in the presence of Toussaint L’Ouverture, Louis Beauvais and Paul L’Ouverture. He was 56, she 38. They had a daughter. Citizen Roume put his European place in society where his mouth was - where he said his heart was. It was to cost him, however.
Roume worked with Toussaint. Other commissioners came and went; battles were fought, won and lost; treachery existed on every level and of course the inevitable ‘tropical rot’ that affects all imports, human or otherwise, set in.
In the end, they were compromised and lost everything. Toussaint died in the gaol; Roume died in poverty. Napoleon grudgingly gave Miriam a pittance of a pension - she was black, he said. And even the emperor himself died in obscurity on the island of St. Helena in the Atlantic.
Haiti became the first republic in the Caribbean. The country continued to experience terrible times and has never recovered to this day.

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Wednesday, 7 September 2011

Timelines of Grenada's and Haiti's history


Grenada History

1498 - Island sighted by Christopher Columbus
1609 - London merchants attempt settlement, fails due to Caribs
1650 - Martiniquan governor du Paquet purchases island from French company and establishes a settlement at St. George’s
1674 - French annex island
1762 - British capture island, formally ceded to England in 1763
1795-96 - Rebellion against British causes massacre of British and execution of ringleaders of uprising. Jules Fedon, leader of revolt, is never caught. Grenada remains British

Haiti History

1492 - Christopher Columbus takes possession of Hispaniola
1493 - La Isabela, first Christian town of the New World, is established
1496 - Santo Domingo becomes new capital
1520s - First African slaves arrive
1620s - Times of French pirates and buccaneers
1685 - Publication of Code Noir
1697 - Hispaniola divided, Spain cedes Haiti to France by Treaty of Ryswijk
1777 - Borders between Haiti and Santo Domingo defined by Aranjuez Treaty, later entire island ceded to France by Basle Treaty
1791 - Slave revolt. Toussaint l”Ouverture assumes leadership.
1801 - Toussaint declares Hispaniola autonomous.
1802 - French punitive expedition, war of independence, capture of Toussaint
1804 - Haiti proclaims independence, Jean-Jacques Dessalines becomes governor for life, is declared emperor in 1805, is assassinated in 1807
1807 - Henry Christophe is elected president, proclaims himself as king in 1811. Southern part of country secedes under Alexandre Pétion, civil war
1820 - Christophe commits suicide
1821 - Haitians invade east
1844 - Dominicans expel Haitians; Haiti and Dominican Republic become separate nations. 22 autocrats rule Haiti in the next 68 years